Gloucester. Edmundus Boner, Archdia. Leicester. Guilielmus Skippe, Archdiaco. Dorset. Nicolaus Heth, Arch- diaco. Stafford. Cuthbert9 Marshall, Arch. Notingham. Ricardus Curren, Archdia. Oxon. Gulielmus Cliffe. Calfridus Downes. Robertus Okyng. | Radulph9 Bradford. Richardus Smith. Simon Mathew. Ioannes Prin. Guiliel. Buckmaster. Gulielmus May. Nicolaus Wotton. Ricardus Coxe. Ioannes Edmūdes. Thomas Robertson. Ioannes Baker. Thomas Barret. Ioannes Hase. Ioannes Tyson. |
These were Doctours of Diuinitieand of both lawes.
Iudge now thy self (louyng reader) per confessata & allegata: that is, by these thinges heretofore confessed, alledged, allowed, proued and confirmed, by pen set forth, by wordes defended, and by othe subscribed by these Byshops and Doctours, if either Martin Luther hym selfe, or any Lutherane els could or did euer say more agaynst þe proud vsurpation of the Bishop of Rome, then these mē haue done. MarginaliaThe Byshops of England then good Lutherans.If they dissembled otherwise then they ment, who coulde euer dissemble so depely, speakyng so pithely? If they ment as they spake, who could euer turne head to tayle so sodenly & so shortly as these men did? But because these thynges we write for edification of other, rather then for commendation of them, let vs marke therefore their reasons, and let the persons go.
[Back to Top]And although the sayd proufes & argumentes heretofore alledged might suffice to the full discussiō of this matter agaynst the Popes vsurped primacie: yet because many do yet remayne, whiche will not be satisfied, to refell therfore and confute this Popishe Article of þe popes vayne & proud primacie, with as much matter and furniture of reasons & allegations, as the writynges & testimonies of these Byshops & others do minister vnto vs: we minde (the Lord willing) to annexe to these former confirmations of the Byshops aforesayd, MarginaliaThe epistle of Tonstall and Stokesley, to Cardinall Poole.an other supplement also of a certein Epistle sent by Byshop Tonstall, and by Iohn Stokesley Bishop of London, to Cardinall Poole, for a more ample confutation of the vsurped power.
[Back to Top]Concernyng the argument of whiche Epistle, here is first to be vnderstanded, that about this tyme or not much ouer, Cardinal Poole brother to the Lord Montagew, was attaynted of hygh treason and fled away vnto Rome, where within a short tyme after, hee was made Cardinal of S. Mary Cosmeden:
Pole was created cardinal-deacon (22 December 1536) of St Mary in Cosmedin. There are three official ranks of cardinal and Pole's rank of deacon indicates that he was considered a member of the pope's political household, working full-time in the curia. The other ranks are cardinal-bishop (who holds an actual Episcopal position in Rome) and cardinal-priest (who works in a diocese outside of Rome).
[Back to Top]Foxe leaves a great deal out of the chronology and makes it sound as if the Stokesley-Tunstal letter was the first (rather than last) official treatise in the exchanges between Pole and Henry VIII's scholars regarding the royal supremacy issue. Pole had served the king's interests in Paris with regard to the annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon but, sometime after 1531 he'd changed his mind on the issue and decided instead to carry on his scholastic pursuits at Padua (at the king's expense) [for which, see The Works of Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, Martyr, 1556, 2 vols., ed. by J E Cox (Cambridge, 1844-46), ii, pp.229-31]. Henry left him in peace to about 1535 when enforcement of the royal supremacy necessitated his recall. As the king's cousin and an important man in his own right, Pole could not be allowed to remain silent on the issues (particularly given the recent executions of More and Fisher). To this end, his former student Thomas Starkey (a royal chaplain and propagandist) was to make contact and pursued Pole to return to England with a letter, the writing of which was very much under the direction of Stokesley and Thomas Cromwell [for which, see BL, Cott. MSS. Cleo. E, vi, fols.367rv ]. The full range of divorce and supremacy arguments are spelled out. Pole replied to this on 4 September 1535, in the form of a treatise entitled Pro Ecclesiasticae Unitatis Defensione which arrived in England at the worst possible time - during the Pilgrimage of Grace and Lincolnshire uprisings of 1536. The king established a four man committee to deal with Pole and his treatise - Stokesley, Cromwell, Tunstal and Starkey. Pole's treatise addressed four issues: Richard Sampson's supremacy polemic entitled Oratio quae docet hortatur admonet omnes potissimum Anglos Regiae dignitati cum primis ut obediant (1534), papal supremacy, Anne Boleyn, and Henry's need to perform penance. In the second and most important section, Pole denied Sampson's natural reason arguments as well as the humanist exegesis of the other royal apologists. Although Starkey was to have made the official response, he appealed to Stokesley and Tunstal for drafting and editing advice. His letter was sent on 13 July 1536 [see, BL, Cott. MSS. Cleo. E, vi, fols.379-83v] but proved only a prelude to the Stokesley/Tunstal letter.
[Back to Top]The letter can be found at Public Records Office, State Papers 1/113, fols.4-10r and was published as Letter to Cardinal Pole (London, 1575).
MarginaliaThis letter was testified by Cutb. Tonstall, to Mathew Archbishop of Canterbury and others, to be hys owne, about 14. dayes before hys death.FOr the good will that wee haue borne vnto you in tymes past, as long as you cōtinued the kynges true subiect, we cā not a litle lament & mourne, that you neither regardyng the inestimable kyndnes of the kynges hyghnes heretofore shewed vnto you in your bryngyng vp, nor the honour of the house that you be come of, nor the wealth of the countrey that you were borne in, should so decline frō your dutye to your Prince, that you should bee seduced by fayre wordes and vayne promyses of the Byshop of Rome, to wynde with hym, goyng about by all meanes to hym possible, to pull downe and put vnder foote, your naturall Prince and Maister, Marginalia Read hys trayterous oration to the Emperour in his booke intitled, de Ecclesiæ concordiæ, mouing him to seke the destruction of king Henry and the whole realme of England.to þe destruction of the countrey that hath brought you vp, and for a vayne glory of a red hat, to make your selfe an instrumēt to set forth his malice, who hath styrred by all meanes that he could, all such Christian Princes as would giue eares vnto hym, to depose the kinges hyghnes from his kyngdome, and to offer it as a pray, to them that should execute hys malice, and to styrre if he could, his subiectes agaynst hym, in styrryng and nourishyng rebellions in hys realme: where the office and duetie of all good Christian men, and namely
This is very much a key statement of the treatise-letter as it signalled the bishops' intension to preserve basic Catholic principles along with royal supremacy. It also solves the problem that had plagued loyal Henrician Catholics with the notion that a church could be uniquely particular and local with yet remaining within the wider corps of Christendom through the supra-national nature of priesthood.
[Back to Top]But synce that can not bee vndone that is done, second it is to make amendes, and to folow the doyng of the prodigall sonne
The parable of the prodigal son can be found at Luke 15.11-32. The allusion, of course, is that Pole is wasting his inheritance among the swine of Rome and, should he return the king would welcome him back with open arms and great celebration.
Foxe notes this as Matthew 18 but the quote comes from Matthew 16.18. It is one of the most common foundations of papal authority.
In his treatise Pro Ecclesiasticae Unitatis Defensione, Pole had used the Matthew text to stress the pastoral responsibility of the papacy for the faith of all Christians. In essence, taking a literal view, he had assigned a universal potestas ordinis to Peter and, through him, to his successors, the popes at Rome [see, sigs.xlviirv]. Stokesley and Tunstal focussed instead on the underlying principle of the building of the church upon the rock of strong faith, repeating St Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians (3.11) recognizing faith in Christ as the true and only foundation. They are not denying that Peter is a key figure, even first among equals, but reflect mediaeval disputes over both his leadership role and whether his authority was to descend to any successor at all.
[Back to Top]And where you thinke that the Gospell of Luke
Luke 22.32.
The bishops argue this was meant to comfort Peter, and only Peter, after his fall from faith, letting him know that he would return and be a fervent in faith as he usually had been.
John 21.17. The stress of the verse is actually Christ's knowledge, not Peter's.
With reference to 1 Peter 5.2-4 the shepherd analogy is considered further and applied to all priests which more fully fits the characteristics of the priesthood the two bishops would like to establish.
The same likewise S. Paul in þe Actes
This refers to Acts 20.28. Where Paul writes 'overseers' this is generally interpreted as 'bishops'. Indeed, with regard to the supposed supremacy of Peter, Acts makes it clear that the activities of Paul have taken on a more central role.
The two bishops find the key words regere (oversee) and pasce (feed) to have identical implications.
The implication of the statement goes a long way toward underpinning the bishops' point equating Peter with papal power. Peter (although not a Judaizer) tended to preach the gospel message only to Jews, while it remained to Paul to preach to Gentiles.
This refers to Acts 10.11-15 & 11.5-11 and is taken as a sign that God wants all men to be saved, not just Jews or Gentiles. The bishops' point being that, while fervent in his faith, Peter had been wrong in his approach until this truth was explained to him. Indeed, Peter does not figure very heavily from this point on, attention has switched to the evangelising efforts of Paul.
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