ler of thy mercy agaynst all the assaultes of the deuill. I see and knowledge that there is in my selfe no hope of saluation, but all my confidence, hope & trust, is in thy most mercifull goodnes. I haue no merites nor good workes, whiche I may alledge before thee. Of sinnes & euil workes (alas) I see a great heape: but yet thorow they mercy I trust to be in the nūber of thē to whō thou wilt not impute their sinnes: but wilt take & accept me for righteous & iust, & to be the inheritour of euerlasting life. Thou mercifull Lord waste borne for my sake: thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake: thou diddest teach, praye, and faste for my sake: all thy holy actions and workes thou wroughtest for my sake: thou sufferedst most greuous paines and torments for my sake: finally, thou gauest thy moste precious bodye and thy bloud to bee shed on the crosse for my sake. Now most mercifull Sauiour, let all these thinges profite me, that thou freely hast done for me, which haste geuen thy selfe also for me. Let thy bloude clense and washe away the spottes and foulnes of my sinnes. Let thy righteousnes hide and couer my vnrighteousnes. Let the merites of thy passion and bloudesheding be satisfaction for my sinnes. Geue me Lord thy grace that the fayth of my saluation in thy bloude, wauer not in me, but may euer be firme and constant: that the hope of thy mercye and life euerlasting neuer decaye in me: that loue waxe not colde in me: Finally, that the weaknes of my fleshe bee not ouercome with the feare of death. Graunt me mercifull Sauiour, that when death hath shutte vp the eyes of my bodye, yet the eyes of my soule may still beholde and looke vppon thee: and when death hath taken awaye the vse of my tounge, yet my harte may crye and say vnto thee: Lorde into thy handes I commende my soule: Lord Iesu receaue my spirite. Amen.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaThe death of the Lord Cromwell.And thus his prayer made, after hee had godly and louyngly exhorted them that were about hym on the scaffold, he quietly committed his soule into the handes of God, and so paciently suffered the stroke of the axe, by a ragged and butcherly miser, whiche very vngodly performed the office.
[Back to Top]This lengthy, convoluted, and chronologically-confused passage relates the history of Miles Coverdale's revision of the vernacular "Thomas Matthew Bible" in Paris in 1538; the failure of that foreign printing venture; and the eventual production of a new version - Henry VIII's "Great Bible," licensed and authorized - by Richard Grafton and Edmund Whitchurch in 1539. This is, however, no triumphant tale of the political successes of the Bible in English; it instead forms the unhappy prologue to the government's subsequent decisions, between 1542 and 1546, to withdraw nearly all support for the lay reading of scripture.
[Back to Top]The act of violence against the faith that characterizes this tale is the burning of books, then, not bodies. Here Foxe's sights are most firmly fixed on Bishop Edmund Bonner: his diplomatic work at the French court; his role in promoting and supporting the printing of a revision of the Matthew Bible at Paris; his translation while still in France from the Hereford see to London; and his subsequent defection from the ranks of Cromwell's supporters to an alliance with the Bishop of Winchester, Stephen Gardiner, after the newly-created earl of Essex's execution. Ultimately Foxe rewrites Bonner's championship of the English Bible at Paris (an enterprise that the bishop had in fact partially underwritten with 600 pounds of his own) into an act of cunning provocation aimed at ferreting out and punishing lay readers of scripture in England.
[Back to Top]This account first appeared in 1570 and was reprinted virtually word for word in the edition of 1583. The 1563 edition contains, however, a relevant section entitled "The kyngs brief for the setting up the Byble of the greater volume in Englyshe" (fols 624-5), which consists of two short texts: Henry VIII's 1540 command for "the Bible of the greater volume" to be placed in "every Cathedrall, collegiate, and other parish churches and chappells"; and the text of a 1541 letter by Bonner to the archdeacon of London, Richard Gwent, which gave directives in support of the royal mandate.
[Back to Top]This letter, contrasted with Bonner's far more qualified position by 1542, and indeed his subsequent enthusiasm for presiding over "heretical" book burnings at Paul's Cross (especially if those books issued from the pens of William Tyndale or Miles Coverdale), allows Foxe to take a literary turn in the direction of political paradox, perhaps the only way to deal with the unpredictable twists of later Henrician religious policy. Foxe follows this section in the 1563 edition with the account of Bonner's imprisonment of John Porter for reading the Bible unlawfully in St. Paul's.
[Back to Top]In 1563, Foxe's purpose had been "to show how [he, i.e., Bonner] that…was once a setter forth of…afterward became the chief putter down again of the same, and made the reading of the Bible to be a trap or snare to entangle many good men, and to bring them to ruin and destruction." He enlarges on this intention in the 1570 and 1583 editions with the assistance of anecdotal evidence provided by informants like Ralph Morice, who had been principal secretary to Archbishop Thomas Cranmer and was thus responsible for the politically sensitive communications passing between the archbishop and Cromwell.
[Back to Top]Lori Anne FerrellClaremont Graduate University
ABout the tyme and yeare, when Edmund Boner Byshop of Hereford, and Ambassadour resident in Fraunce, began first to be nominate and preferred by the meanes of the Lord Cromwell, to the Byshopricke of London: which was, an. 1540.
The date here is incorrect; work in Paris began in May 1538.
Cromwell was created earl of Essex in 1540: the sixth creation of that title, which went forfeit at his death later that year.
At this time the presses of Francois Regnault in Paris excelled any in England in quality and efficiency of book production: his press had been solely responsible for the printing of the Church of England's services since 1519.
I.e., Richard Grafton and Edmund Whitchurch.
I.e., a revision of the "Thomas Matthew" Bible of 1537.
Bonner had been elected bishop of Hereford in November 1538 while at the French court (where he had succeeded the religious conservative Stephen Gardiner as ambassador). Being non-resident, he had neither been consecrated, nor taken possession of the see, when in November 1539 he was translated to the bishopric of London. He returned to London and was consecrated on 4 April 1540. One of the bishop of London's duties was the oversight of London presses and, in conjunction with the archbishop of Canterbury, the suppression of unlawful writings.
[Back to Top]I.e., the Oath of Allegiance required of all bishops at consecration, as mandated by statute 26 Henry VIII, c.1 (1534).
of the worlde hee did hate him asmuch, whose name was Richard Grafton: to whom the sayd Boner sayd when hee tooke his othe, MarginaliaBoners wordes to Grafton, when hee tooke hys othe to the kyng.M. Grafton, so it is, that the kynges moste excellent maiestie hath by his gracious gift presented me to the Byshopricke of London, for the whiche I am sory, for if it would haue pleased hys grace, I could haue bene well cōtent to haue kept mine old Bishopricke of Herford. Then said Grafton, I am right glad to heare of it, and so I am sure wil be a great nomber of the Citie of London: for thoughe they yet know you not, yet they haue heard so much goodnes of you from hence, as no doubt they will hartely reioyce of your placyng. Then sayd Boner, I pray God I may do that may content them, and to tell you M. Grafton, MarginaliaBoner reproueth Stokesley for his persecutyng.Before God (for that was cōmonly his othe) the greatest fault that I euer found in Stokesly,
Stokesley was consecrated bishop of London in November 1530.
Michael Lobley had already attracted unwelcome official notice: in 1531 he was indicted for purchasing heretical books in Antwerp. He escaped severe punishment, however, and went on to become the Warden of the Stationers' Company in 1560.
The order to place a Bible in English, "of the largest volume," in every parish and cathedral by All Saints' Day (30 November) had been issued in Cromwell's Second Injunctions of 1538.
Miles Coverdale, a superb Latinist with no Greek or Hebrew, had been given the task of revising the Matthew Bible and removing its marginal and other notes.
Now, after that the aforesaid letters were deliuered, the Frenche kyng gaue very good wordes,
Francis I's licence, issued in response to a letter of Henry's, procured through Cromwell, of 23 June 1538, contained the proviso that the translation should contain no "private or erroneous opinions" (privatus aut illegittimus opiniones), a phrase that made Francis I's permission more qualified than might be immediately apparent.
[Back to Top]The inquisitors had been ordered to their task in December 1538, in response to a directive of Pope Paul III that Bibles "corruptly" translated into English be made liable to confiscation and burning.
I.e., vats or barrels.
I.e., to line hats.
The French constable eventually dropped the charge of heresy, and allowed the type, printers, and unused paper to be returned to England. As only bound copies had been burned, Grafton and Whitchurch were able to bring back with them salvaged, unbound copies of about half of the already-printed Old Testament and most of the New.
[Back to Top]Grafton and Whitchurch set up their London operation in what, before their dissolution, had been the buildings housing the Grey Friars, just north of St. Paul's.
On 25 April, 1541, the privy council licensed Anthony Marler, haberdasher, and, later, the first person to be appointed royal printer, to secure a four years' fixed-price monopoly to sell "the Bibles of the Great Volume" unbound at 10 shillings and bound at 12 shillings. On 1 May of the same year the council also granted Marler's petition again to issue proclamations enjoining every parish church to purchase the Bible in English, for otherwise (as he declared in his supplication) he would be financially ruined, burdened as he was with an "importune sum of the said books now lying in [his] hand."
[Back to Top]Here by the way, for the more direction to the story
Here Foxe turns to a retrospective account of the Thomas Matthew Bible.
I.e., Coverdale's Bible of 1535 and the Matthew Bible of 1537.