Thematic Divisions in Book 11
1. The Martyrdom of Rogers 2. The Martyrdom of Saunders 3. Saunders' Letters 4. Hooper's Martyrdom 5. Hooper's Letters 6. Rowland Taylor's Martyrdom 7. Becket's Image and other events 8. Miles Coverdale and the Denmark Letters 9. Bonner and Reconciliation 10. Judge Hales 11. The Martyrdom of Thomas Tomkins 12. The Martyrdom of William Hunter 13. The Martyrdom of Higbed and Causton 14. The Martyrdom of Pigot, Knight and Laurence 15. Robert Farrar's Martyrdom 16. The Martyrdom of Rawlins/Rowland White17. The Restoration of Abbey Lands and other events in Spring 155518. The Providential Death of the Parson of Arundel 19. The Martyrdom of John Awcocke 20. The Martyrdom of George Marsh 21. The Letters of George Marsh 22. The Martyrdom of William Flower 23. The Martyrdom of Cardmaker and Warne 24. Letters of Warne and Cardmaker 25. The Martyrdom of Ardley and Simpson 26. John Tooly 27. The Examination of Robert Bromley [nb This is part of the Tooly affair]28. The Martyrdom of Thomas Haukes 29. Letters of Haukes 30. The Martyrdom of Thomas Watts 31. Mary's False Pregnancy32. Censorship Proclamation 33. Our Lady' Psalter 34. Martyrdom of Osmund, Bamford, Osborne and Chamberlain35. The Martyrdom of John Bradford 36. Bradford's Letters 37. William Minge 38. James Trevisam 39. The Martyrdom of John Bland 40. The Martyrdom of Frankesh, Middleton and Sheterden 41. Sheterden's Letters 42. Examinations of Hall, Wade and Polley 43. Martyrdom of Christopher Wade 44. Martyrdom of Carver and Launder 45. Martyrdom of Thomas Iveson 46. John Aleworth 47. Martyrdom of James Abbes 48. Martyrdom of Denley, Newman and Pacingham 49. Richard Hooke 50. Martyrdom of William Coker, et al 51. Martyrdom of George Tankerfield, et al 52. Martyrdom and Letters of Robert Smith 53. Martyrdom of Harwood and Fust 54. Martyrdom of William Haile 55. George King, Thomas Leyes and John Wade 56. William Andrew 57. Martyrdom of Robert Samuel 58. Samuel's Letters 59. William Allen 60. Martyrdom of Roger Coo 61. Martyrdom of Thomas Cobb 62. Martyrdom of Catmer, Streater, Burwood, Brodbridge, Tutty 63. Martyrdom of Hayward and Goreway 64. Martyrdom and Letters of Robert Glover 65. Cornelius Bungey 66. John and William Glover 67. Martyrdom of Wolsey and Pigot 68. Life and Character of Nicholas Ridley 69. Ridley's Letters 70. Life of Hugh Latimer 71. Latimer's Letters 72. Ridley and Latimer Re-examined and Executed73. More Letters of Ridley 74. Life and Death of Stephen Gardiner 75. Martyrdom of Webb, Roper and Park 76. William Wiseman 77. James Gore 78. Examinations and Martyrdom of John Philpot 79. Philpot's Letters 80. Martyrdom of Thomas Whittle, Barlett Green, et al 81. Letters of Thomas Wittle 82. Life of Bartlett Green 83. Letters of Bartlett Green 84. Thomas Browne 85. John Tudson 86. John Went 87. Isobel Foster 88. Joan Lashford 89. Five Canterbury Martyrs 90. Life and Martyrdom of Cranmer 91. Letters of Cranmer 92. Martyrdom of Agnes Potten and Joan Trunchfield 93. Persecution in Salisbury Maundrell, Coberly and Spicer 94. William Tyms, et al 95. Letters of Tyms 96. The Norfolk Supplication 97. Martyrdom of John Harpole and Joan Beach 98. John Hullier 99. Hullier's Letters 100. Christopher Lister and five other martyrs 101. Hugh Lauerocke and John Apprice 102. Katherine Hut, Elizabeth Thacknell, et al 103. Thomas Drury and Thomas Croker 104. Thomas Spicer, John Deny and Edmund Poole 105. Persecution of Winson and Mendlesam 106. Gregory Crow 107. William Slech 108. Avington Read, et al 109. Wood and Miles 110. Adherall and Clement 111. A Merchant's Servant Executed at Leicester 112. Thirteen Burnt at Stratford-le-Bow113. Persecution in Lichfield 114. Hunt, Norrice, Parret 115. Martyrdom of Bernard, Lawson and Foster 116. Examinations of John Fortune117. John Careless 118. Letters of John Careless 119. Martyrdom of Julius Palmer 120. Agnes Wardall 121. Peter Moone and his wife 122. Guernsey Martyrdoms 123. Dungate, Foreman and Tree 124. Martyrdom of Thomas More125. Examination of John Jackson126. Examination of John Newman 127. Martyrdom of Joan Waste 128. Martyrdom of Edward Sharpe 129. Four Burnt at Mayfield at Sussex 130. John Horne and a woman 131. William Dangerfield 132. Northampton Shoemaker 133. Prisoners Starved at Canterbury 134. More Persecution at Lichfield
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1990 [1951]

Queene Mary. The story and life of Steuen Gardiner Bishop of VVinchester.
Marginalia1555. Nouemb.¶ The death and end of Stephen Gardiner Byshop of Winchester.  
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The Death of Stephen Gardiner

The account of Gardiner's character and career first appeared in the 1563 edition along with Ridley's treatise on the theological differences between Gardiner and other catholics. In the 1570 edition, Foxe expanded this account with a diatribe of his own on Gardiner's inconstancy. He also moved Gardiner's sermon from Book IX, where it had been placed in the 1563 edition, to here. He also added quotations from Gardiner's works which appeared to attack catholic doctrines, and William Turner's attack on Gardiner. Enzinas?s letter describing Gardiner's hostile reception at Louvain was also moved from Book IX, where it had been printed, to this section of the book. There was no changemade to this material in 1576, but in 1583, material was added to show Henry VIII's distrust of Gardiner. Another account of Stephen Gardiner's death was also added to this edition.

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MarginaliaThe death of Steuen Gardiner, enemie to Gods word. Nouember.THe next moneth, after the burnyng of Doct. Ridley and M. Latymer, which was the moneth of Nouember, Stephen Gardiner Bishop and Chaūcellour, a man hated of God and all good men, ended his wretched lyfe. Concernyng the qualities, nature, and disposition of which man, for somuch as somewhat hath bene declared before in the story of kyng Edwardes reigne, I shall nede therfore the lesse now to stād greatly vpon the same. First, this vipers byrd crept out of the town of Bery in Suffolke, brought vp most part of his youth in Cambridge, his witte, capacitie, memory, and other indumentes of nature not to be complayned of, if he had well vsed and ryghtly applyed the same: wherein there was no great want of Gods part in hym, if he had not rather hym selfe wanted to the goodnes of his giftes. Through this promptnes,  

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Readiness, energy.

actiuitie, and towardnes  
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Willingness to learn.

of hys, hee profited not a little in such studies as hee gaue his head vnto, as first in the law ciuill, then in lāguages and other such lyke, especially in those artes and faculties, which had any prospect to dignitie and preferment to be hoped for. Besides other ornamentes or helpes of nature, memory chiefly semed in hym very beneficiall, rather then diligence of study.

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MarginaliaThe vices of Winchest. describedTo these giftes and qualities were ioyned agayne as great or greater vices, which not so much followed hym, as ouertooke hym, not so much burdened hym, as made him burdenous to the whole realme. He was of a proude stomacke  

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Of a proud spirit.

& hygh mynded, in his own opinion & conceite flatteryng hym selfe to much, in wytte crafty and subtile, toward his superiour flatteryng and fayre spokē, to hys inferiours fierce, agaynst his equall stout  
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Proud, arrogant, haughty (OED).

and enuious, namely if in iudgement and sentence hee any thyng withstode hym: as appeared betwen the good Lord Cromwell and him in the reigne of king Henry, beyng of lyke hautines of stomacke, as the Poetes writ of Pelides, Cedere nescius.  
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Horace
Foxe text Latin

Pelides, Cedere nescius

Foxe text translation

Not translated.

Translation (Wade 2003)

not knowing how to yield

Actual text of Horace, Odes I. 6.


Nos, Agrippa, neque haec dicere nec gravem
Pelidae stomachum cedere nescii

[Horace's genitivenesciiis changed to a nominativenesciusto fit into Foxe's sentence grammatically. Also a Latin alphabet Greek first declension nominative endingPelidesis used in place of the original genitivePelidae]

Who although woulde geue no place to men, yet notwithstandyng I wish he would haue giuen place to truth, according as he semed not altogether ignoraūt of the truth. What his knowledge was therin, it is euident partly to vnderstand as well by his booke De vera obedientia,  
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Stephen Gardiner, De vera obedientia (London, 1535), STC 11584. This work argued that the English king, and not the pope, was the legitimate head of the English church. It was frequently cited by protestants as proof of Gardiner's opportunism and lack of principle.

as also by hys Sermon before king Edward: also by hys aūsweres to the Counsell the same time:  
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Gardiner's answers to the articles the privy council charged against him in 1550 are printed in 1563, pp. 755-68; 1570, pp. 1524-32; 1576, pp. 1300-06 and 1583, pp. 1550-06.

& moreouer by hys owne words may be gathered in sūdry places, as more plainly may appeare by that which hereafter foloweth.  
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See 1563, pp. 1384-86; 1570, pp. 1956-59; 1576, pp. 1683-86 and 1583, pp. .

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Vpō his estimation & fame he stode to to much, more thē was mete for a mā of hys coate & calling, whose profession was to be crucified vnto the world: which thyng made hym so stiffe  

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Stubborn, obstinate.

in maintayning that he had once begon to take vpō him. I wil not here speake of that which hath bene constātly reported to me, touchyng the monstrous makyng and mishaped fashion of his feete and toes, the nailes wherof were said not to be like to other mens, but to crooke downeward, & to be sharpe like the clawes of rauening beasts.  
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Foxe derived this colourful, if spurious, piece of gossip from John Ponet, A shorte treatise of politike power (Strasburg, 1556), STC 20178, sig. I4r. Notice thatFoxe does not say that this information is true, he merely repeats it by saying that he will not repeat it.

What his learnyng was in þe Ciuil & Canō law, I haue not to say.MarginaliaWinchest. not worthy the title of a learned man. What it was in other liberall sciences & artes, this I suppose, þt neither his continuance in study, nor diligence of readyng was such (by reason of hys to much intermedlyng in Princes matters) as could truly wel merite vnto him þe title of a deepe learned man. But what learning or cunning soeuer it was he had, so it fared in hym, as it doth in butchers, which vse to blow vp their flesh:  
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Unscrupulous butchers sometimes increased the apparent size of their wares by inflating the entrails.

euen so he with boldnes & stoutnes, and specially with authoritie made those giftes that he had to appeare much greater then they were in very dede. Wherunto vse peraduenture also & experiēce abroad brought no litle helpes, rather thē either quicknes of wytte, or happines of education.

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And as touchyng Diuinitie, he was so variable, waueryng with tyme, that no constant censure can be ge-

uen what to make of hym. If hys doynges & writynges were accordyng to hys conscience, no man can rightly say whether he was a right protestant or Papist. If he wrote otherwise thē he thought, for feare, or to beare wt tyme, then was he a double depe dissembler before God and man, to say & vnsay, to write & vnwrite, to sweare and forsweare so as he dyd.MarginaliaThe mutabilitie of Ste. Gardiner in religion. For first in the begynnyng of Queene Annes time,  

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I.e., Anne Boleyn.

who was so forward or so busie in þe matter of þe kinges diuorce as Ste. Gardiner? who was first sent to Rome & thē to þe Emperour with Edward Foxe, as chief Agēt in the behalfe of Lady Anne.  
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Foxe's account is confused here. Gardiner was sent on two missions to Clement VII, one in 1528 and one in 1529, as part of Henry VIII's efforts to secure a divorce from Catherine of Aragon. But Gardiner was not sent on an embassy to Charles V until 1540, years after Anne Boleyn was dead, and the purpose of this embassy had nothing to do with advancing the protestant cause.

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By whom also he was preferred to the Bishoprike of Wynt. as Edm. Boner was by the Lord Cromwell to the Byshopricke of London. Agayne, at the abolishing of the Pope, who so ready to sweare, or so vehement to write agaynst the Pope as he, as not onely by his Sermōs, but also by hys booke De obediētia may appeare. In which booke De obedientia, lest any should thinke hym drawen therunto otherwise then by hys own consent, hee playnly declareth how not rashly nor vppon a sodeine, but vppon long deliberation and aduisement in him selfe about the matter, he at length vttered hys iudgement: Wherof read before, pag. 1204. And moreouer, hee so vttered his Iudgement in writyng agaynst the vsurped supremacie of the Pope, that cōmyng to Louane,MarginaliaTouching the doinges of Winchester at Louane, read the letter of Driander to Crispine pag 1959. afterward he was there accompted for a person excōmunicate, & a schismaticke, in somuch þt he was not permitted in their church to say Masse, & moreouer in their publicke sermōs they opēly cryed out agaynst him. Wherof read hereafter folowing pag. 1959.

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And thus long cōtinued he firme & forward, so that who but Winchester duryng all the time and reigne of Queene Anne. After her decease þe tyme by litle & litle caryed hym away, till at lēgth MarginaliaThe first turnyng of Winchester from the Gospell, and why?the emulation  

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Ambitious rivalry (OED).

of Cromwels estate, and especially (as it semeth) for his so much fauoring of Boner (whom Wynchester at that tyme in no case could abyde)  
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See Glyn Redworth, In Defence of the Church Catholic: The Life of StephenGardiner (Oxford: 1990), pp. 83-84 on Gardiner's animosity towards Bonner at this point in their lives.

made hym an vtter enemy both agaynst hym, and also hys Religion: till agayne in king Edwardes dayes he begā a litle to rebate from certeine poyntes of Popery, and somewhat to smell of the Gospell, as both by hys Sermon before kyng Edward, and also by his subscribing to certein Articles may appeare: MarginaliaAn other halfe turne of Winchester from Popery to the Gospell.and this was an halfe turne of Ste. Gardiner frō Popery agayn to the Gospel, & (no doubt) he would haue further turned, had not the vnlucky decay of the Duke of Somerset cleane turned hym away from true Diuinitie to playne Popery:MarginaliaWinchester turned to a full Papist. wherin he cōtinued a cruell persecutour to hys dying day.

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And thus much concerning the trade & profession of Ste. Gardiners Popish Diuinitie. In which his popish trade, whether he folowed more true iudgement, or els tyme, or rather the spirite of ambition and vaine glory, it is doubtfull to say, MarginaliaWinchester neuer constant in him selfe, nor agreing with other Papistes.and so much the more doubtfull because in his doynges and writyngs a man may see hym not onely contrary to hym selfe, but also in some points contrary to other Papistes. And furthermore, where he agreeth with them, he semeth therein not so much to folow hys owne sense, as the mynde and meanyng of Pereseus:  

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I.e., the Spanish theologian Martin Perez de Ayala.

MarginaliaA great part of Winchesters diuinitie is to be found in Pereseus.out of whose booke the greatest part of Wynchesters Diuinitie seemeth to be borowed.

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And therfore, as in the true knowledge of Gods holy word & Scripture he appeareth no body:  

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Note that a passage which appeared here in the 1563 edition, conceding that Gardiner was 'in tong and utterance somewhat perchaunce praiseworthy' was dropped in later editions. Because it is so grudging, this is an impressive testimony to Gardiner's eloquence.

so in his pen & stile of writinges MarginaliaWinchesters stile vnpleasaunt.no lesse farre he is frō cōmendation, then he is frō all playnesse & perspicuitie, In whose obscure and perplexe kynd of writyng although peraduēture some sense may be foūde with some searchyng, yet shall no reader finde any sweetnes in his readyng.

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What moued him to be so sturdy against M. Cheke, & Sir T. Smith for the Greke pronūciation, other may thinke what they please: I speake but what I thynke, that he so did, for that he saw it a thing rather newly begun, then truely impugned.  

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Sir Thomas Smith, lecturer in Greek, and John Cheke had, since themid-1530s, been teaching Greek with an 'ancient' pronunciation (i.e., the pronunciation putatively used in ancient Greece rather than the modern Greek pronunciation). This 'ancient' pronunciation was championed by many humanists, notably Erasmus, but Gardiner favoured the modern pronunciation which had been traditionally taught in universities. In his capacity as chancellor of Cambridge, Gardiner banned the 'ancient' pronunciation from being taught at the University. Cheke and Smith wrote Latin treatises attacking Gardiner's position and Gardiner defended his position in lengthy Latin letters. (See J. A. Muller, Stephen Gardiner and the Tudor Reaction [London: 1926], pp. 121-23.

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Such was the disposition of that man (as it seemeth) that of purpose hee euer

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affected
SSSS.i.