certayne scholers a fewe yeares, by the which scholars at laste moste impiouslye he was murthered and slayne with their penkniues, and so died, as storyes say, a martyr, MarginaliaIoan. Scotus a Martyr.buried at the sayd monasterie of Malmesbury with thys epitaphie.
Clauditur in tumulo sanctus sophista Ioannes
Qui ditatus erat iam viuens dogmate miro.
Martyrio tandem Christi conscendere regnum
Qui meruit, regnans secli per secula cuncta.
King Alfred hauing these helpes of learned men about him, and no lesse learned also himself, past ouer his tyme, not onely to great vtilitie & profit of his subiectes, but also to a rare & profitable example of other christen kinges and princes, for them to followe. This foresaid Alfrede had by his wife called MarginaliaThis Ethelwitha builded first the house of Nunnes at Winchester.Ethelwitha, two sonnes: MarginaliaThe childrē of king Alfrede.Edward and Ethelward, and. iij. daughters: Elfleda, Ethelgora, and Ethelguida: Quas omnes liberalib9 fecit artibus erudiri. That is. Whom he set all to their bookes and studie of liberall artes: as my storye testifieth. MarginaliaAll his daughters learned.Fyrst Edward his eldest sonne succeded hym in þe kingdome. The second sonne Ethelward dyed before hys father. Ethelgora his middle daughter was made a nūne. The other. ij. were maryed, the one in Marceland, the other to the earle of Flanders.
For the death of Alfred, Foxe used as his main source John Brompton's 'Chronicle' (p. 818) and Roger Howden (p. 41; 50), supplemented (perhaps) by Matthew Paris' Flores (1, pp. 446; 477).
The final epitaphs to the king were 'left in auncient writing' as part of Foxe's (perhaps unconscious) strategy of laying claims to truth by presenting the reader with the evidence in its most 'raw', and therefore 'pristine' state. The source for the first epitaph, with its interesting stoic overtones, was taken from the Parker manuscript of the Life of Asser. Foxe's citation differs somewhat from that in the printed edition, though it must have come from the same manuscript, suggesting he had not advance sight of any transcript copy of that publication. It is not to be found elsewhere. The second epitaph, Foxe had found in Henry of Huntington's Chronicle ((T. Arnold, ed. Henry of Huntingdon. Henrici Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum, the History of the English, by Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, from B. C. 55 to A. D. 1154 [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 5, ch. 13). It had also appeared in the 'Polychronicon' (book 6, ch. 3) but Foxe clearly took it from Huntingdon. It had originated in Asser's 'Life', and the Parker/Joscelyn publication of the latter in 1574 noted the cross-reference to Huntingdon (p. 35).
[Back to Top]FAmosus, Bellicosus: Victoriosus: Vidurarum, pupillorū, & orphanorum pauperūq̀ prouisor studiosus, Poetarū Saxonicorum peritissimus: Suæ genti Charissimus: Affabilis omnibus: Liberalissimus: Prudentia, fortitudine, temperantia, Iustitia præditus: in infirmitate, qua continue laborabat pacientissimus: In exequendis iudicijs indagator discretissimus: In seruicio Dei vigilantissimus & deuotissimus: Anglosaxonum Rex: Alfredus, pijssimi Ethelulfi filius. xxix. annis sexq̀ mensibus regni sui peractis morte obijt. Indict. 4. Qunto Kalenda. Nouemb. feria quarta: & VVintoniæ in nouo monasterio sepultus immortalitatis stolam, & ressurrectionis gloriam eum iustis expectat, &c.Moreouer in the history of Henricus Huntingtonensis these verses I finde written in the commendation of the same Alfrede: made (as I suppose and as by his wordes appeareth) by the sayd author, wherof I thought not to defraude the reader: the wordes wherof here followe:
[Back to Top]Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem,
Armipotens Alfrede dedit, probitasq̀ laborem.
Perpetuumq̀ labor nomen, cui mixta dolori
Gaudia semper erant, Spes semper mixta timori.
Si modo victor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas:
Si modo victus eras, ad crastina bella parabas.
Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore,
Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probarunt.
Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi,
Cui tot in aduersis nil respirare liceret.
Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum,
Aut gladio potuit, vitæ finisse dolores.
Iam post transactos vitæ regniq̀ labores,
Christus ei sit vera quies, sceptrumq̀ perhenne.
In the storye of this Alfred, a litle aboue, mention was made of Pleimundus scholemaister to the said Alfred, and also bishop of Caunterbury, suceeding MarginaliaEtheredus
Pleimundus,
Athelmus
Vlfelmus
Odo,
Archbish. of Canterbury.Etheredus, there bishop before him. Which Pleimundus gouerned that see, þe number of. xxxiiij. yeares. After Pleimundus succeded Athelmus, and sat. xij. yeares. After hym came Vlfelmus. xiij. yeares. Then followed Odo a Dane borne, in the sayd sea of Caunterbury, and gouerned the same. xx. yeares, being in great fauour with king Athelstane, king Edmund, and Edwine, as in processe hereafter (Christ willing) as place and order doth requyre, shall more at large be expressed.
The purpose of this passage, articulated first by Foxe in the 1570 edition and headed 'sedition among popes' is not difficult to discern. Through the murky and brutal politics of the ninth and tenth-century papacy ('these monstruous matters of Rome'), Foxe sought to provide a historically incontrovertible case against the 'character indelebilis' or 'indelible mark' of priestly ordination, in the case of the papacy sometimes elevated by high Papal theorists of the central Middle Ages into a charism of infallibility, reinforced by the unbroken succession to the see of St Peter (Brian Tierney, Origins of Papal Infallibility 1150-1350 [Leiden, 1972]). Already in the 1563 edition (1563, p. 1) Foxe had singled out the exceptional and extraordinary nature of what occurred in the pontificate of Pope Stephen VI, who (in the so-called 'Cadaver Synod') declared all the actions of his predecessor, Pope Formosus I to be null and void, including the priests which he ordained. In the 1570 edition, he followed the papal succession as laid out in Bale's Catalogus (pp. 119-122) but (in the case of Formosus and Stephen VI) supplemented it with material from the 'Chronologia' of Sigbert of Gembloux (Sibebertus Gemblacensis, Chronicon sive Chronologia) which was a widely-known and cited source for the history of the central Middle Ages, and which had been first published in Paris in 1513. Foxe may have known it, however, from the edition published in 1566 (Germanicarum rerum quatuor celebriores vetustioresque chronographi […] [Frankfurt, 1566]). He appears also to have confirmed the information by consulting Ranulph Higden's Polychronicon (J. R. Lumby, ed. Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis: together with the English translations of John Trevisa and of an unknown writer of the fifteenth century [London: Rolls Series, 1879]. For further information on Foxe's treatment of the history of the papacy, see the important prefatory essay to this edition by Thomas S. Freeman, ['"St Peter Did not Do Thus": Papal History in the Acts and Monuments'].
[Back to Top]Matthew Phillpott and Mark Greengrass
University of Sheffield