1570 Edition | Book 3 | Page 214 
both their kingdomes. Which Edwin after he had reigned about the terme of. iiij. yeares departed, leauing no heyre of hys body. Wherfore the rule of the land fel vnto Edgar his yonger brother.
CloseFoxe had scarcely done more in the 1563 edition of his martyrology than point to the period after the death of King Athelstan as the one in which 'shepheardes and watchmen became wicked Wolues, Christes frendes chaunged into ennemies. To be shorte here came in the time,that the reuelation speaketh of, whan Sathanas, the old serpent, beyng tied vp for a thousand yere, was losed for a certaine space' (1563, pp. 10-11). Foxe thus linked this, the 'third age' of the church, with the accomplishment of the first millennium of Christian history and the prediction contained in Revelation, 20: 6-8. By the 1570 edition, the history of Kings Edgar and Edward the Martyr were completely reworked in a lengthy passage which makes no mention of any underlying millennial interpretation. Instead, it concentrates on the coming of a new form of monasticism to England, associated in general terms with the 'middle age' of the church (Foxe had already used the term in the 1563 edition, although here he ascribes it to a broader period). He elaborates the development in ways that explicitly and intentionally reveal his protestant colours. Foxe was careful to distinguish between the Celtic and Augustinian monasticism of the 'second age' of the church - godly men (Foxe rarely mentions female monasticism at all) who were lay people, often married, who accepted monastic discipline - and the 'prodigious superstition' that accompanied the 'monkes of the middle & latter age of the church' - Cluniac monasticism and its successors. Foxe consciously restrained his urge to elaborate on that theme at greater length, not least because he was anxious to emphasize other, more insidious, elements in the development. These included the much greater social weight and presence of the new monasticism, its urban setting and competitive variety (Foxe makes a good deal of the latter, gently mocking the different colours and rituals of the monastic orders), and its growing political weight. The latter is emphasised in Foxe's narrative explicitly - in his account of the role of Dunstan, in his nuanced assessment of the achievements of King Edgar, and his interpretation of the the reaction of the Anglo-Saxon nobility to the growing power of the new monasticism after the death of King Edgar and the resulting turmoil of that of his successor, King Edward. The latter, 'called the Martyr' is treated by Foxe in a particularly negative fashion in order, at least by implication, to indicate that one of the Satanic elements of the new monasticism was to manufacture martyrdom to its own purposes, manipulating the historical record to further its own cause. Foxe is consistently aware, throughout this passage, of the potential bias of the monastic sources that he is often compelled to rely upon for his narrative, consciously revealing to his audience the critique that he is subjecting them to. This is particularly evident in the passage where he proves, at least to his satisfaction, that King Edward was, in reality, an illegitimate child of King Edgar, a secret consciously withheld in the 'Monkish stories' to sustain the credit of Dunstan and 'the reputation of the Churche of Rome'.
[Back to Top]Foxe's use of his sources in this passage is particularly wide-ranging and penetrating. As in previous passages of the 1570 edition of book 3, he consciously plays off the lay chronicles (particularly Roger of Howden (Hoveden) and Fabian's Chronicle against his monastic sources (William of Malmesbury, John of Brompton's Chronicle, Osbern's Life of Dunstan…). Some of his anti-monastic material comes from Bale's Catalogus and the Lives of the English Votaries. But, more interestingly, Foxe also in this passage cites (albeit probably indirectly) from the Church Fathers - the only time he does so outside Book One in the 1570 edition. This section seems to have come from various parts of the Magdeburg Centuries (Century V). As in the case of the other sources which Foxe cites (Eadmer's Life of Dunstan; Osbern of Canterbury's Life of Dunstan; Simeon of Durham's Chronicle; John Capgrave's Life of Saint Edith) there are strong indications that this section had been produced with the active collaboration of members of Archbishop Matthew Parker's household, particularly John Joscelyn. Dunstan's role in the archiepiscopal lineage at Canterbury made this section particularly sensitive from both Foxe's and Parker's point of view.
[Back to Top]Once presented in the 1570 edition, this section did not undergo further changes in the later editions during Foxe's lifetime.
Matthew Phillpott and Mark Greengrass
University of Sheffield
Marginalia959.
K. Edgar called Pacificus.EDgar the second sonne of Edmunde, and brother to Edwine, being of the age of xvj. yeares, began his raygne ouer the realme of England, in the yeare of the Lord. 959. but was not crowned till. xiiij. yeares after:
CloseThe description of King Edgar's coronation and the election of Dunstan as Archbishop of Canterbury, were taken by Foxe from Roger Howden's Chronicle (W. Stubbs, ed. Chronica magistri Rogeri de Houdene 4 vols, Rolls Series [London, 1868], 1, pp. 61-2). His general approach, however, to the reign of King Edgar reflects the point of view taken by Bale in the Catalogus (pp. 137-41) and the English Votaryes (pp. 61-66) though Foxe does not directly borrow from either of these sources.
[Back to Top]Ex hist. Rog. Houden.Then was Dunstane, which before was abbot of Glastenbury, made bishop of Worceter, & then of London. Not long after, this Odo the archbishop of Cant. deceaseth, after he had gouerned that church. xxiiij. yeares. After whom Brithelinus bishop of Wint. first was elected. But because he was thought not sufficient to furnish that roome, Dunstane was ordayned Archbishop, and þe other sent home agayn to his olde church. MarginaliaSpirituall liuings geuē by the king, & not by the popeWhere note by the waye, how in those dayes the donation and assygning of ecclesiasticall dignities remayned in the kynges hand: onely they fet their palle from Rome, as a token of the popes confirmation. So Dunstane being by the king made archbishop, tooke his iourny to Rome for hys palle of pope Iohn the. xiij. which was about the beginning of the kinges raigne. Thus Dunstan obtaining hys palle, shortlye after his returne agayne from Rome, entreateth king Edgar: MarginaliaOswaldus bishop of Worcetor &after of Yorke.that Oswaldus (who, as is sayd, was made Monke at Floriake, and was nephew to Odo, late bishop of Cant.) might be promoted to the bishoprick of Worceter: which thing to him was graūted. And not long after, through the meanes of the sayd Dunstane, MarginaliaEthelwoldus bishop of Wint. a great maintainer of monkeryEthelwoldus (whom histories do faine to be the great patrone of Monkery) first monke of Glastenbury, then Abbat of Abbendon, was also made byshop of Winchester. Marginalia963.
Ex Gulie. Malmesburiens. de gestis pontifi. Aug.Of this Ethelwold, Gulielm9 libro de gestis pontificum recordeth, that what tyme he was a Monke in the house of Glacenbury: the abbat had a vision of him, which was this.
CloseFoxe's elaboration on the dream which led King Edgar to patronize the new monasticism come from a variety of sources. The interesting reference to Emperor Charles V's dream, and 'how he was led by a thred to see the tormentes of hell' has not been identified. That of Furse comes from Bede, Book 3, ch. 19; The dream of Astyages, king of the Medes, came (directly or indirectly), from Herodotus' Histories, book 1 (second part). Ethelwold's dream sequence itself is taken from William of Malmesbury's Gesta Pontificium (N. E. S. A. Hamilton, ed. William of Malmesbury. Willemesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis pontificium Anglorum [...] [London: Rolls Series, 1870], book 2, ch. 75, p. 263). The remaining material on the monastic foundations of King Edgar ('Burga by Stanford' = Peterborough; 'Ramsey' might be Rumsey in Hampshire, which was founded by King Edgar, although it could equally be Ramsey Abbey in Huntingdonshire, which was refounded by him) is taken from Roger of Howden's Chronicle with a direct quotation (W. Stubbs, ed. Chronica magistri Rogeri de Houdene 4 vols, Rolls Series (London, 1868), 1, p. 62); Brompton's Chronicle (J. Brompton, 'Chronicon Johannis Brompton Abbatis Jornalensis.' In Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores X. [....], ed. by Roger Twysden [London, 1652], col. 867) and William of Malmesbury's Gesta Pontificium (Ibid., book 1, ch. 18.4, p. 34).
[Back to Top]MarginaliaMonkishe dreames.Of such a like dreame we read, of the mother of Ethelstane: how the moone did spring out of her wombe, and gaue light to al England. Also of K. Charles þe Emperour: how he was led by a thred to see the tormentes of hell. Likewise of Furceus the Heremite, mentioned in the thyrd booke of Bede, who saw the ioyes of heauē and the. iiij. fires that should destroy the world: the one of lyeng, for breaking our promise made at baptisme. The second fyre was of couetous. The thirde of dissention. The fourth was the fire of impietie and wrongful dealing. Item in lyke sorte of the dreame of Dunstane, and of the same Ethelwold, to whom apeared the three bishops, Bristanus, Birinus, and Swithinus. &c. Item of the dreame of the mother of this Ethelwold, who being great with him, did see a golden Eagle flee out of her mouth. &c. Of the dreame likewyse or the vision of king Edgar concerning the falling of the twoo apples, and of the pots, one being full, þe other empty of water. &c Also of king Edward the confessor, touching the ruine of the land by the conquest of the Normands. We redealso in the history of Astiages, howe he dreamed of Cyrus. And likewise of many other dreames in the bookes both of the Monkes & of þe Ethnicke writers. For what cannot either the idle vanitie of mans head, or the deception of the lyeng spirite, worke by man: in foreshewyng suche earthlye euentes, as happen commonlye in this present worlde? MarginaliaDreames not necessary to be regarded.
Difference of dreames.But here is a difference to be vnderstand betwene these earthly dreames speaking of earthly things, and matters of humane superstition: and betwene other spiritual reuelations sent by God touching spirituall matters of the churche, pertayning to mans saluation. But to our purpose, by this dreame, and by the euent which followed after, MarginaliaHow and whē monks fyrst began to swarme in England.
Dunstan, Ethelwold, Oswald, three setters vp of monkiishe religion.it may appeare howe & by what meanes, þe multitude of Monks began fyrst to swarme in the churches of Englād (that is) in the daies of this Edgar, by the meanes of these three Bishoppes, Dunstane, Ethelwold, and Oswold. Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ryngleader of thys rase: yet Ethelwold being now bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Byshop of Worceter, were not much behinde for their partes. By the instigation and counsel of these three aforesayd, king Edgar is recorded in histories to build eyther new out of the ground, or to reedifie monasteries decayed by the Danes, mo then. xl. MarginaliaXl. monasteries builded and repared by K. Edgar.As the house of Elye, Glacenbury, Abingtō, Burgh by Stamford, Thorney, Ramesey, Wilton, Wenton, Winchome, Thamstocke in Deuenshire, with diuers other mo. In the setting vp and building of the which, the foresayd Edelwolde was a great doer and a founder vnder the kyng. MarginaliaPriestes thrust out of cathedrall houses, & monkes set in.Moreouer, through the motion of this Dunstan and his fellowes: kyng Edgar in diuers great houses & cathedrall churches, where Prebendaries and Priestes were before: displaced the priestes, and set in Monkes. Wherof we rede in the chronicle of Rog. Houeden, in wordes & forme as foloweth: Hic namq; Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius ad hoc maxime prouocauit, vt clericos a monasteriis expelleret, et monachos, sanctimonialesq; in eis collocaret. &c. MarginaliaRoger. Houedens. lib. Continuationum, post Bedā.That is: Ethelwold bishop of Wint. who was then one of the kinges counsel, did vrge the king chiefly to expel clerkes out of monasteries, & in their roumes to bestowe Monkes and Nunnes. &c. whereunto accordeth likewise historia Iornalensis, contayning the like effect in these words: Hoc anno Ethelwold9 Vvint. et Oswaldus VVyrgornensis episcopi, iussu regis Edgari (clericis de quibusdam maioribus ecclesiis expulsis) monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis et allis monachos in eisdē fecerunt. MarginaliaChronicon Iornalense.Gulielmus also writing of the tyme of Dunstane, maketh the matter somewhat more plain, where he sayth: Itaq; clerici multarum ecclesiarum dati optione, vt aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes. Surgebant itaq; in tota insula, religiosorum monasteria, cumulabantur mole pretiosi metalli sanctorum altaria. &c. MarginaliaGulielmus. de gestis pontif. lib. 1.Thus the secular priests, being put to their choyse, whether to chaunge their habite, or to leaue their roumes: departed out of their houses, geuing place for other better men to come in. Then the houses and monasteries of religious men through all the realme, went vp apace. &c.
After the kinges minde was thus perswaded and incited by these bishops to auaunce monkerye: MarginaliaOswald B. of Wyceter, and archb. of Yorke.then Oswaldus byshop of Worcetor, and also made Archbishop of Yorke,
CloseFoxe's sources for the early career of Oswald, bishop of Worcester and then archbishop of York, typify Foxe's counterpoint of monastic and secular chronicle sources. He uses Roger of Howden's Chronicle (W. Stubbs, ed. Chronica magistri Rogeri de Houdene 4 vols, Rolls Series [London, 1868], 1, pp. 62-3; William of Malmesbury's Gesta Pontificium (N. E. S. A. Hamilton, ed. William of Malmesbury. Willemesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis pontificium Anglorum [...] [London: Rolls Series, 1870], book 3, ch. 115); John Brompton's Chronicle (J. Brompton, 'Chronicon Johannis Brompton Abbatis Jornalensis.' In Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores X. [....], ed. by Roger Twysden [London, 1652], col. 868) and Fabian's Chronicle (R. Fabyan, The Chronicle of Fabian [London, 1559], book 6, ch. 194).
[Back to Top]An. 969Began first with fayre persuasions, to assay the mindes of þe canons & priestes: whether they could be content to chaunge their profession and to be made monkes, or no: which when he sawe it woulde not take effecte, he practised this pollicie with them. Neare to the sayd church of S. Peter, within the churchyarde he erected an other churche of our Ladye: which, when he had replenished with monkes, there he cōtinually frequented: there he kept, there he sat, & was[Back to Top]