1576 Edition | Book 10 | Page 1372 
Marginalia1553.was counted to be Scripture before it was written in paper and incke, MarginaliaScripture consisteth not onely in letters but is that which is inspired in the hartes of good men by the holy ghost.for that it was written in the harts, and grauen in the myndes, yea, and inspired in the mouthes of good men, and of Christes Apostles by the spirite of Christ: As the salutation of the Aungel was the Scripture of Christ, and the word of God before it was written. At that Moreman cried, fye, fye: wondryng that the Scripture of GOD should be counted Scripture, before it was written, and affirmed that he had no knowledge that so sayd.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaPhilpot.To whom Philpot aunswered, that concernyng knowledge in this behalfe, for the triall of the truth about the questions in controuersie, hee would wishe hymselfe no worse matched then with Moreman.
MarginaliaWeston.At the which saying, the Prolocutor was greuously offended, saying that it was arrogantly spoken of hym, that would compare with such a worshypfull learned man as Moreman was, being himselfe a man vnlearned, MarginaliaWeston rayleth agaynst Philpot, to bee a madde man.yea a mad man, meeter to be sent to Bedlem, then to be among such a sort of learned and graue men as there were, and a mā that neuer would be aunswered, and one that troubled the whole house: and therfore he dyd commaunde him that he should come no more into the house, demaunding of the house whether they would agree therupon or no. To whom a great number aunsweared, yea. Thē sayd Philpot agayne, that he might thinke himselfe happy, that was out of that cōpany.
[Back to Top]After this Morgan rose vp and rounded the Prolocutor in the eare. And then agayne the Prolocutor spake to Philpot and sayd, MarginaliaPhilpot cōmaunded to come in a long gowne and a tippet, or els to come no more to the Cōuocation.lest you should sclaunder the house, and say that we will not suffer you to declare your mynde, we are content you shall come into the house as you haue done before, so that you be apparelled with a longe gowne and a Tippet as we be, and that you shall not speake, but when I commaunde you. Then quoth Philpot, I had rather be absent altogether.
[Back to Top]Thus they reasonyng to and fro, at length about the 13. of December,MarginaliaDecember. Queene Mary, to take vp the matter, sendeth her commaundement to Boner Byshop of London, that he should dissolue and breake vp the conuocation. The copy of which commaundement here foloweth.
CloseGenerally, if Foxe quotes a document in the 1563 edition which pertains to the London diocese, it came from the London diocesan records, one of the few archival collections which Foxe systematically exploited before the 1563 edition. Mary's precept to Bonner to dissolve Convocation probably came from these records.
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CloseThe wording and close linking of reform to the queen can be seen in the glosses 'Good Byshops displaced' and 'Popish Prelates intruded by Q. Mary'. These are contrasting glosses: the 'displaced' (a word which suggests fault if not illegality) good bishops and the 'intruded' (roughness of dealing, but, again, no illegality suggested by this term) popish prelates.
[Back to Top]In the dayes of kyng Henry, and also of Kyng Edward raignyng after him, diuers noble men, Byshops and other, were cast into the Tower, some charged with treason, as MarginaliaThis Lord Courtney was sonne to the Marques of Exceter.Lord Courtney and the duke of Northfolke (whose sonne Lord Henry Earle of Surrey had bene the same tyme beheaded, a worthy and ingenious Gentlemā, for what cause, or by whō, I haue not heare to deale: this is certaine, þt not many yeares after his death folowed the beheadyng of both the Lord Semers, and at last the Duke of Northumberland
CloseThe most interesting of these items is a rather remarkable passage on the execution of the Earl of Surrey: 'a worthy and ingenious gentleman, for what cause or by whom [he was beheaded], I have not here to deale, this is certeine, that not many yeres after his death, followed the beheading of both the L. Semers and at last of the Duke of Northumberland' (1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1343; and 1583, p. 1417). This passage, implying that Surrey was unjustly executed and that this injustice was providentially punished, first appeared when Surrey's son (who was Foxe's pupil and patron) was in the Tower awaiting execution.
[Back to Top]The same tyme Boner also had bene prisoner in the Marshalsey, whom likewise Queene Mary deliuered and restored to the Byshopricke of London agayne, displacyng Doct. Ridley, with diuers other good Byshops moe, as is
aboue mentioned, as MarginaliaGood Byshops displaced.Crāmer from Canterbury, the Archbyshop of Yorke likewise, Poynet from Winchester Iohn Hooper from Worcester, Barlow from Bath, Harley from Hereford, Taylour from Lyncolne, Ferrer from S. Dauids, Couerdale from Excester, Scory from Chichester. &c. with a great number of Archdeacons, Deanes, and briefly all such beneficed men, whiche either were maryed, or would constauntly adhere to their profession. All whiche were remoued from theyr lyuynges and other of the contrary Secte set in the same, as MarginaliaPopish Prelates intruded by Q. Mary.Cardinall Poole (who was then sent for) Gardiner, Heath, Whyte, Day, Troublefield. &c.
[Back to Top]And as touchyng Cranmer, of whom mention was made before, for somuch as there was a rumour spread of him the same tyme at Londō that he had recanted, and caused Masse to be sayd at Caunterbury, for purgyng of hym selfe he published abroad a declaration of his truth and constācie in that behalfe, protestyng that he neither had so done, nor mynded so to do: MarginaliaCranmer with Peter Martyr, and v. other offer to defend the cause of their doctrine against all menAddyng moreouer, that if it would so please the Queene, he with Peter Martyr, and certaine other whom he would chuse, would in open disputation sustaine the cause of the doctrine taught and set forth before in the tyme of Kyng Edward, agaynst all persons whom soeuer.
CloseMuch of the remaining material, particularly that concerning the rumours that Cranmer had celebrated mass and his public denial of these rumours, would be treated in greater detail later in the Actes and Monuments (cf. 1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1347; and 1583, p. 1418; with 1570, p. 1465-66; 1576, p. 1395; and 1583, p. 1635).
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Close'Argentine', mentioned in 1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1347; and 1583, p. 1418, is a slightly anglicised version of the Latin name for Strasburg.
After this, in the moneth of MarginaliaNouember.Nouember, the Archbyshop Cranmer, notwithstandyng he had earnestly refused to subscribe to the kynges will in disherityng his sister Mary, alledgyng many graue and pithy reasons for her legitimation, MarginaliaD. Cranmer with the Lady Iane arrayned of treason in the Guild hall.was in Guildhall of london arreyned and attaynted of treason, with þe Lady Iane & three of the Duke of Northumberlandes sonnes, whiche at the intreatie of certaine persons were had agayne to the Tower, and there kept for a tyme.
CloseThe description of the arraignment of Cranmer, Jane Grey and Northumberland's sons is taken from Crowley's chronicle (cf. Crowley, Epitome, sig. Ffff2v with 1563, p. 916; 1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1347; 1583, p. 1418) except for the passage which reads: 'which at the intreatye of certayne persons were had againe to the Tower and there kept for a time'. This passage is excerpted from Thomas Cooper, Coopers chronicle ... vnto the late death of Quene Marie (London, 1560), STC 15218, sig. Yyyy2r. This is Foxe's only borrowing from Coopers chronicle in Book 10 (or, as far as is known, anywhere in the Actes and Monuments).
[Back to Top]This beyng done in Nouember, the people and especially the Churchmen, perceauyng the Queene so egerly set vpon her old Religion, they lykewise for their partes, to shew themselues no lesse forward to serue the Queenes appetite (as the maner is of the multitude, commonly to frame themselues after the humour of the Prince and tyme present) began in their Quiers to set vp MarginaliaGoing about of S. Katherine & S. Nicholas.the Pagiaunts of S. Katherine, and of S. Nicholas, and of their Processions in Latin, after all their old solemnitie with their gay gardemaunce, and gray amices.
CloseThe passages on the restoration of the festivals of St. Catherine and St. Nicholas and of the repeal of the statutes of praemunire and of the Edwardine religious statutes, were added to the 1570 edition (see textual variant 14). The sources cannot be determined; possibly they are an individual's recollections transmitted to Foxe.
[Back to Top]And whē the moneth of December was come, the Parliamēt brake vp: but first of all such Statues were repealed, whiche were made either of Premunire, or touched any alteration of Religion, and administration of Sacramentes vnder kyng Edward. In the which Parliament also communication was moued of the Queenes Mariage with kyng Phillip the Emperours sonne.
[Back to Top]In this meane while MarginaliaCardinall Poole sent for.Cardinall Poole beyng sent for by Queene Mary, was by the Emperour requested to stay with hym, to the intent (as some thinke) that his presence in England should not be a let to the Mariage, whiche he entended betwene Philip his sonne and Queene Mary. For the makyng whereof, he sent a most ample Ambassade, with full power to make vp the Mariage betwixte them: MarginaliaMaryage betwene Phillip and Mary concluded.which tooke such successe, that after they had communed of the matter a fewe dayes, they knit vp the knot.
CloseThe detaining of Pole by the emperor and the coming of an embassy sent to arrange the marriage of Philip and Mary are recounted by Crowley and reprinted by Foxe (cf. Crowley, Epitome, sig. Ffff2v with 1563, p. 916; 1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1347; 1583, p. 1418).
CloseMuch of the material in this section is reprinted from Crowley's chronicle. Later in Book 10, after the Oxford disputations, Foxe would draw on yet another chronicle or chronicles to form a political narrative of the early years of Mary's reign. Because he was drawing on different sources which covered roughly the same chronological period, there was a good deal of repetition (and a certain amount of inconsistency) between these different sections of Book 10. For example, Foxe gave one account of the capture of the Duke of Suffolk here (1563, p. 916; 1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1347; and 1583, p. 1418) and another, different, account of the same events later in Book 10 (1570, p. 1637; 1576, p. 1396; and 1583, p. 1467). Foxe made no attempt, at any time, to reconcile any of these differing versions of the same events.
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CloseFoxe seems to have been especially concerned to defend the Wyatt rebels against Mary's account of their intentions ('Demaundes pretended to be sent from M. Wyat and hys company to Queene Mary' and 'How he pretended the spoyle of theyr goodes it appeareth in that he comming to Southwarke, did hurt neither man, woman, nor childe, neyther in body nor in a penny of their goodes'). The later dropping of the gloss 'Duke of Suffolke forsooke Quene Mary' (1563) is a possible example of Foxe striving to discredit Mary without explicitly speaking against her.
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CloseIt might be noted here that in the Appendix of 1563 (p. 1731), Foxe prints a letter from Mary to the third Duke of Norfolk, informing the Duke of Wyatt's defeat. (This letter was removed from the editions of 1570 and 1576, but was reprinted in the 1583 edition). This letter was almost certainly loaned or given to Foxe by the fourth Duke of Norfolk.
[Back to Top]The brief description of Wyatt's rebellion, Suffolk's capture and the flight of Sir Peter Carew are all taken from Crowley (cf. Crowley, Epitome, sigs. Ffff2v - Ffff3 with 1563, pp. 916-17; 1570, pp. 1579-80; 1576, pp. 1347-48; 1583, p. 1419).
There is one interesting piece of re-writing here, however. Crowley described the fate of the Duke of Norfolk's expedition against Wyatt: 'Thomas Duke of Norfolk, who beynge forsaken of them that went with hym, escaped to London agayne with great difficultie, as he thought, although no man followed him' (cf. Crowley, Epitome, sig. Ffff2v). Foxe, apparently thinking that this made the Duke of Norfolk sound too much like the Duke of Plaza Toro, rendered this: 'Thomas D. of Norfolke, who being aboute Rochester Bridge, forsaken of them that went with him, returned safe to London with out any more harme done unto him, and withoute bloudshed on either partie' (1563, p. 916; 1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1347; and 1583, p. 1418). Once again Foxe's loyalty to the Howard family shaped his narrative.
[Back to Top]Furthermore, to apprehend the Duke of Suffolke, beyng fled into Warwikeshyre, was sent the Earle of Huntygton in poste, who entring the Citie of Couentry before the Duke, disappointed him of his purpose. Wherefore the