sper so long, till the wrath be fulfilled, for the conclusion is deuised already. He shal not regard the God of heauen, nor the God of his fathers, yea in his place shall he worship the mighty Idoll and the God whō his fathers knew not, which is the God Maozim.MarginaliaMaozim signifieth in Hebrew, as much as dod of diuers tēples.
The God Maozim in Daniel alludeth much heare to Mazon, which signifieth bread.

For lacke of tyme I leaue the commemoration of the blessed supper of the lord, and the abominable idol the masse, which is it that Daniell meaneth by the God Maozim. Read the second and last chap. of Daniel the ij. to the Thes. the 2. Epistle:MarginaliaMath. 24.
Mark. 13.
Luke. 21.
2. Thess. 2. where as they recite the abhomination of desolation which Mathew sayeth, standeth in the holy place, which is the consciences of men. Marke sayeth, where it ought not to stand, which is a playne deniall of all the inuentions of men. Further Luke sayeth, the tyme is at hande. Paule sayth, the mystery of iniquitie worketh already, yea, and shall continue till the appearaunce of Christ, which in my iudgement is at hand.

Now for the supper of the Lord, I do protest to take it as reuerently as Christ left it, and as his Apostles MarginaliaThe faythfull & reuerend confession of Lacelles, touching the Lordes supper. did vse it, accordyng to the testimonies of the Prophetes, the Apostles and our blessed sauiour Christ, which accordingly S. Paul to the Ephesians doth recite.

Now with quietnes I commit the whole world to their pastor and heardman Iesus Christ the onely Sauiour and true Messias and I commend my soueraigne lord and maister the kings maiesty kyng Henry the 8. to God the father and to our Lord Iesus Christ: The Queene and my Lord the Prince, with this whole Realme, euer to the innocent & immaculate lambe, that hys bloud may washe and purifie their hartes and soules from all iniquitie and sinne, to gods glory and to the saluation of theyr soules. I doe protest that the inward part of my hart doth grone for this, and I doubt not but to enter into the holy tabernacle which is aboue: yea and there to be with God for euer. Farewell in Christ Iesu.

Iohn Lacels seruaunt late to the king,
and now I trust to serue the euerla-
sting king, with the testimony of my
bloud in Smithfield.

MarginaliaOne Rogers in Norfolke, Martyr. LIke as Winchester and other Bishops did set on kyng Henry against Anne Askewe and her fellowmartirs, so D. Repse B. of Norwich did incite no lesse the old Duke of Northfolke agaynst one Rogers in the countrey of Northfolke:MarginaliaThe martyrdome of Rogers. who much about the same yere and tyme, was there condemned and suffred Martyrdome for the vj. articles. After which tyme it was not long, but within halfe a yeare, both the kyng hymselfe, and the dukes house decayed: albeit the dukes house by Gods grace recouered agayn afterward, and he hymselfe conuerted to a more moderation in this kind of dealyng.

¶ The story of Queene Katherine Parre late Queene, and wife to king Henry 8. Wherin appeareth in what daunger she was for the Gospell, by the meanes of Steuen Gardiner and other of hys conspiracie: and how graciously she was preserued by her kinde & louing husband the king  

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Katherine Parr and George Blage

The story of the 'danger' Catherine Parr faced 'for the Gospell' comes to us only from John Foxe, and it is told for the first time in the second edition (1570) of the Acts and Monuments. The addition of the story to the narrative of Henry's latter reign serves the same purpose as Foxe's reframing of the Askew Examinations: Catherine's brush with mortal danger is another example of the ruthlessness of forces for conservatism (Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Wriothesley, Lord Chancellor), and while Henry VIII saves his wife from their bloodlust in this case, his failure to complete reform and his gullibility to manipulation by members of the conservative faction are further spotlighted in the story following Catherine's, of Gardiner's successful effort to thwart reform in England (when acting as ambassador to France).

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No other evidence exists for the conspiracy against Catherine Parr described by Foxe, nor for the king's ultimate intervention on his queen's behalf, although it does seem likely that the attack on Anne Askew, and particularly her torture, took place against a context of some attempt to compromise Catherine and/or her ladies in a climate of anti-evangelicalism. However, it is just as likely that the attempt to use Askew to implicate the queen's ladies was intended to create vulnerability among their husbands - prominent male courtiers - as it is that Catherine herself was the target.

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It is very likely that Foxe invented the story of Parr's danger and her exchanges with her husband, Henry VIII, contained within the narrative, and one reason for this, beyond simply providing another example of conservative evil and royal reformist failure, might have been in order to elaborate on the suggestion of a plot against the queen contextualizing the story of Anne Askew, itself centralized as a keystone moment in the 1570 edition of the Acts and Monuments. However, the narrative is also a remarkable commentary on both Henry VIII and his queen. Parr is shown 'counseling' her husband, influencing him in matters of both theology and state and showing a boldness emphasized by Foxe in both text and marginal note. Henry, on the other hand, is seen growing increasingly frustrated by his wife's erudition and assertiveness - wrongly frustrated in Foxe's opinion, which is just one indication of the king's weak character. Henry is easily manipulated both by Gardiner and then again by his wife, who exploits to her purpose the submissive posturing required of women, but with obvious insincerity. She does this, significantly, in order to convince her husband that she is guided by him in matters of religion, when in reality, as Foxe has pointed out, the opposite is the case: it is in fact Parr who guides Henry. This phenomenon - of Henry, and through him England, benefiting from the counsel of women - does not originate either in Foxe's 1570 Acts and Monuments or with Parr in his history. Anne Boleyn is also described as having enjoyed significant influence over her husband, influence comparable to that of his male counselors, and while her story, like Parr's, grows substantially from edition to edition of the Acts and Monuments, from the first 1563 edition she is she is credited with both the destruction of papal power in England, and with planting in Henry the desire for reform.

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Nevertheless, Queen Catherine was sympathetic to evangelicalism as queen and was both patron and 'friend' to a number of important evangelicals including Matthew Parker (who will become Queen Elizabeth's first Archbishop of Canterbury) and Thomas Smith, who secured an important position as tutor to the young prince, Edward (Alec Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII: Evangelicals in the Early English Reformation [Cambridge, 2003], pp. 166-67). It is uncertain when she became a supporter of evangelical ideas, but it was possibly a process both begun and completed following rather than preceding her marriage to Henry VIII, and Diarmaid MacCulloch has suggested that it might have been during 1544, when she served as regent in the king's absence (when Henry went to war in France) and was, in that role, in daily contact with Thomas Cranmer, the Archbishop of Canterbury (Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer [Yale, 1996], pp. 326-27). Catherine's own book of 'evangelical devotions', Lamentacion of a Sinner, published in 1547 after Henry VIII's death, marks her as a reformer by the end of the reign, and there is little doubt that she was, by then, considered a significant threat to conservatives, particularly as the king's health declined. This was the case not least because of her influence over the heir to the throne (the future Edward VI), as well as over his education, and so it is not improbable that a plot against her could have taken place, as it had against Cranmer in 1543.

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One problem plaguing the plot described by Foxe when it comes to its veracity, however, is its actual similarity to the 'Prebendaries Plot' against Cranmer, especially its dénouement, which includes the humiliation of the same villains, Gardiner and Wriothesley. It is perhaps no coincidence that both stories (the plot against Catherine and the Prebendaries Plot against Cranmer) appear for the first time in the second edition (1570) of the Acts and Monuments, although had it actually occurred it is likely that Foxe would have heard about it well before the publication of his first English edition, as he lived with John Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, from autumn 1560 to summer 1562, the two years preceding its publication in 1563. He had been chaplain to Catherine Parr when she was queen of England. Nevertheless, the strongest evidence against the veracity of the story is the complete lack of contemporary record of something this dramatic occurring among and between people as notable as the king, his queen, his Lord Chancellor, and the bishop of Winchester. It is very likely that Foxe invented the story of Parr's danger and her exchanges with her husband, Henry VIII, contained within the narrative. One reason for this, beyond simply providing another example of conservative evil and royal reformist failure, might have been in order to elaborate on the suggestion of a plot against the queen contextualizing the story of Anne Askew, itself centralised as a keystone moment in the 1570 edition of the Acts and Monuments. However, the narrative is also a remarkable commentary on both Henry VIII and his queen. Parr is shown 'counseling' her husband, influencing him in matters of both theology and state. Her boldness is emphasised by Foxe in both text and marginal note. Henry, on the other hand, is seen growing increasingly frustrated by his wife's erudition and assertiveness - wrongly frustrated in Foxe's opinion, which is just one indication of the king's weak character. Henry is easily manipulated both by Gardiner and then again by his wife, who exploits to her purpose the submissive posturing required of women, but with obvious insincerity. She does this, significantly, in order to convince her husband that she is guided by him in matters of religion, when in reality, as Foxe has pointed out, the opposite is the case: it is in fact Parr who guides Henry. This phenomenon - of Henry, and through him England, benefiting from the counsel of women - does not originate either in Foxe's 1570 Acts and Monuments or with Parr in his history. Anne Boleyn is also described as having enjoyed significant influence over her husband, influence comparable to that of his male counselors, and while her story, like Parr's, grows substantially from edition to edition of the Acts and Monuments, from the first 1563 edition she is she is credited with both the destruction of papal power in England, and with planting in Henry the desire for reform.

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Megan HickersonHenderson State University

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MarginaliaAn. 1546. AFter these stormy stories aboue recited, the course & order, as well of the tyme, as the matter of story doth require now somewhat to intreate likewyse touchyng þ^e troubles and afflictions of the vertuous & excellent lady Quene Katherine Parre, the last wyfe to kyng Henry. The story wherof is this.

MarginaliaQueene Katherin Parre. About the same tyme aboue noted, which was about the yeare after the kyng returned from Bulleine, he was informed that Queene Katherine Parre, at that tyme his wife, was very much geuen to the readyng and study of the holy scriptures: and that she for that purpose had retained diuers well learned and godly persons, to instruct her thoroughly in the same, with whom as at all tymes conuenient she vsed to haue priuate conference touchyng spirituall matters:MarginaliaThe religious zeale of Quene Katherine toward gods word. so also of ordinarie, but especially in Lent euery day in þ^e after noone for the space of one houre, one of her sayd Chaplaines in her priuy chamber made some collation to her and to her Ladies and gentlewomen of her priuy chamber, or other that were disposed to heare: in which sermons, they oft tymes touched such abuses, as in the church thē were rife. Which things as they were not secretly don, so neither were their preachings vnknown vnto the kyng. Wherof at the first, & for a great tyme, he semed very well to lyke. Which made her the more bold (beyng in dede become very zelous toward the Gospell, and the professors therof) franckly to debate with the kyng, touching religion, and therin flatly to discouer her selfe: ofte tymes wishyng, exhortyng and perswadyng the kyng,MarginaliaThe exhortation of Quene Katherine to the king. that as he had to the glory of God and hys eternall fame, begon a good and a godly worke in banishyng that monstrous Idoll of Rome, so he would throughly perfite and finish the same, cleansing and purgyng hys Church of Englande, cleane from the dregges therof, wherin as yet remayned great superstition.

MarginaliaThe king toward his latter ende waxed more impacient. And albeit the kyng grwe towardes his latter ende, very sterne and opinionate, so that of fewe hee coulde bee content to be taught, but worst of all to be contended with all by argument: notwithstandyng towardes her hee refrayned hys accustomed maner (vnto others in like case vsed) as appeared by gteot respectes, either for the reuerence of the cause, wherunto of him selfe he semed well inclined, if some others coulde haue ceased from sekyng to peruert him, or els for þ^e singular affection which vntill a very small tyme before his death, he alwaies bare vnto her.MarginaliaThe vertuous inclinatiō of queene Katherine toward the kyng. For neuer hādmaid sought with more carefull diligence to please her mistres, then shee dyd with all paynfull endeuour apply her selfe by all vertuous meanes, in all thinges to please his humour.

Moreouer, besides the vertues of the mynde, she was endued with very rare giftes of nature, as singular beautye, fauour, and comely personage, beyng thynges wherein the kyng was greatly delighted: and so enioyed she the kinges fauour, to the great likelyhode of the settyng at large of the Gospell within this Realme at that tyme, had not the malicious practise of certayn enemies professed agaynst the truth (whiche at that tyme also were very great) preuented the same, to the vtter alienatyng of the kynges mynde from Religion, &, almost to the extreme ruine of þ^e Queene and certayne others with her, if God had not meruelously succoured her in that distresse.MarginaliaEnemies & conspirers agaynst the Gospell. The conspirers and practisers of her death, were Gardiner B. of Winchester, Wrisley then Lorde Chauncellour, and others more aswell of the kynges priuie chamber, as of his priuie Councell. These sekyng (for the furtheraunce of their vngodlye purpose) to reuiue, styrre vp and kindle euill and pernicious humours in their Prince & soueraigne Lord, to the intent to depriue her of this here great fauour, which then she stoode in with the kynge, (whiche they not a litle feared woulde turne to the vtter ruine, of their Antichristian secte, if it should continue) and therby to stoppe the passage of the Gospell: and consequentlye, hauyng taken away her,MarginaliaQueene Katherine a patronesse of Goddes truth. who was the onely Patronesse of the professours of the truth, openlye without feare of checke or controlemene, with fire and sworde, after their accustomed maner, to inuade the small remainder (as they hoped) of that poore flocke, made their wicked entrye vnto this their mischeuous enterprise, after this manner following.

The Kinges Maiestie (as you haue heard) myslyked to be contended with all in any kynde of argument. This humour of his, although not in smaller matters,MarginaliaThe Queene sometyme contrary to the kyng in argument. yet in causes of Religion as occasion serued, the Queene woulde not sticke in reuerent termes and humble talke, entryng with hym into discourse with sounde reasons of Scripture, now and then to contrary. The whiche the Kynge was so well accustomed vnto in those matters, that at her handes he tooke all in good part, or at the least did neuer shew countenance of offence therat: which did not a little appall her aduersaries, to heare and see. During which tyme perceiuyng her so throughly grounded in the kinges fauour, they durst not for their liues once open their lips vnto the kyng in any respect to touch her, eyther in her presence, or behynde her backe: And so long she continued this her accustomed vsage, not only of hearyng priuate sermons (as is sayd) but also of her free conference with the kyng in matters of religion, without all perill,MarginaliaThe kyng waxeth sickely & difficulte to please. vntill at the last by reason of his sore leg (the anguish wherof began more and more to encrease) he waxed sickly, and therwithal,l froward, and difficult to be pleased.

In the tyme of this his sicknes, he had left hys accustomed maner of comming and visiting the Quene, & therfore she, according as she vnderstood hym by suche assured intelligence as she had about hym, to be disposed to haue her company, sometymes beyng sent for, other sometymes of her selfe would come to visite hym, either at after dinner, or after supper, as was most fit for her purpose. At which tymes she would not fayle to vse all occasions to moue him, accordyng to her maner, zealously to procede in the reformation of the Church.MarginaliaThe king beginneth to mislyke of the Queene. The sharpnes of the disease had sharpned the Kinges accustomed pacience, so that he beganne to shew some tokens of misliking: and contrary vnto his maner, vpon a day, breakyng of that matter, he tooke occasion to enter into other talk, which somwhat amazed þ^e queene. To whom notwithstandyng in her presence, he gaue neyther euill worde nor countenance, but knitte vp all argumentes with gentle wordes and louyng countenaunce: and