1576 Edition | Book 10 | Page 1361 
CloseThis is the first example of what will be a recurring pattern throughout Book 10 (and not typical of any other section of the Actes and Monuments) - extended theological discussion followed by bald political narrative. This section of narrative had a purpose: it emphasises Mary's 'perjury' to the protestants who supported her and it is as close as Foxe ever came to directly criticising her.
[Back to Top]The section of Book 10, from Edward VI's illness and Jane Grey's marriage to Mary's arrival in London, is based on Foxe's Rerum, pp. 232-34 (translated with varying degrees of fidelity). Essentially the sources for this section were reports from protestants in England during Mary's reign to English protestants in exile and continental reformers, which Foxe gathered while he was overseas. Some new material was added in later editions (notably Mary's letter to the Privy Council and the Council's response), but on the whole, there was little new information added to this section. Many of the remaining changes to the substance of this section (e.g., the accounts of Northumberland's death) reflect the changing circumstances in which Foxe's work was written.
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ClosePolitical events predominate here. Foxe has to decide what titles to give the competing queens at crucial moments. The glosses 'Queene Iane proclamed at London' and 'Comparisō betweene young king Edward & young Lady Iane' may be examined: the first notes the proclaiming of 'Queene Iane' while the second, by pointing to a passage concerned with her upbringing and therefore using 'Lady Iane', allows the transition back to Lady Jane for the rest of the section (except for 'Bishop Ridley preacheth in Queene Maryes time' which recalls Ridley preaching in Queen Jane's time) without having to say anything explicit about legitimacy.
[Back to Top]Another interesting titular contrast comes at the gloss 'Breach of promise in Queene Mary': immediately before this is a gloss in all editions, 'The Lady Mary promiseth faithfully that she would not alter religion'. The contrast between 'Lady' and 'Queen' appears to suggest a willingness to promise anything to gain power followed by indifference to promises.
[Back to Top]Another contrast between Jane and Mary can be found in the glosses: while 'Two things feared in Queene Mary' points to two things feared from Mary, 'Comparisō betweene young king Edward & young Lady Iane' points to a favourable comparison between Jane and King Edward. Two glosses do not appear after 1563. Perhaps the reference to the king's will in the gloss 'Lady Iane made heire by þe kings will' was too sensitive a point with Elizabeth to risk retaining the gloss. Another to be removed was 'Tokēs that quene Mary wold not kepe touch with the Suffolke menne' which considers the executions of various protestant nobles as 'tokens' that Mary would not 'kepe touch with the Suffolke men': perhaps this was later removed as ceding too much to the popular will (the Northern Uprising of 1569 may have heightened Foxe's awareness of the sensitivity of rebellion). Foxe's glosses report but do not comment upon Northumberland's recantation ('The Duke of Northumberlād condemned to dye', 'The Duke of Northumberland reuoketh his religion' and 'The Duke of Northūberland beheaded',) although the juxtaposition of the confessions and deaths of two protestant gentlemen, 'Syr Iohn Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer confessing their fayth were beheaded', was perhaps designed to offer contrast.
[Back to Top]To thys order subscribed all the kinges Counsaile, and chiefe of the Nobilitie, the Maior and citie of London, and almost all the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers of the Realme, MarginaliaSyr Iames Hales standeth with Queene Mary.sauyng onely Iustice Hales of Kent, a man both fauoring true Religion, and also an vpright Iudge as any hath ben noted in this Realme, who geuyng his consent vnto Lady Mary, would in no case subscribe to Lany Iane. Of this man (God wyllyng) you shal perceyue more in the sequele of this storie. The causes laid against Lady Mary, were as well for that it was feared shee woulde marrye with a Straunger, and thereby entangle the Crowne: as also that shee would cleane alter Religion, vsed both in kyng Henry her father, and also in king Edwarde her brothers dayes, and so bring the Pope, to the vtter destruction of the Realme, which in deede afterward came to passe, as by the course and sequele of this story may wel appeare.
[Back to Top]Much probable matter they had thus to coniecture of her, MarginaliaTwo thinges feared in Q. Mary.by reason of her great stubburnnes shewed and declared in her brothers dayes, as in the letters before mentioned, passing betweene her and kyng Edward, & the Counsaile, may appeare. The matter being thus concluded, and after confirmed by euery mans hande, kyng Edwarde an Impe of so great hope, not long after this departed, by the vehemencie of his sicknes, when he was sixteene yeares of age: with whom also decayed in maner the whole floorishing estate and honour of the English nation.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaQ. Iane proclaimed at London.When king Edward was dead, this Iane was established in the kyngdome by the Nobles consent, and was forthwith published Queene by proclamation at London, and in other Cities where was any great resort, and was there so taken and named. MarginaliaComparison betwene younge K. Edward and younge Lady Iane.Betweene this young Damo-
[Back to Top]sel and kyng Edward there was litle difference in age, though in learning and knowledge of the tongues she was not onely equal, but also superiour vnto hym, beyng instructed of MarginaliaThis instructer of the Lady Iane was M. Elmer.a Maister right notably learned. If her fortune had ben as good, as was her bringing vp, ioyned with finenesse of wyt: vndoubtedly shee might haue seemed comparable, not onely to the house of the Vaspasians, Sempronians, and mother of the Grachies, yea, to any other women beside that deserued high prayse for their singular learning: but also to the Vniuersitie men, whiche haue taken many degrees of the Schooles.
[Back to Top]In the meanetyme, while these thinges were a workyng at Londen, Mary which had knowledge of her brothers death, writeth to the Lordes of the Counsayle in forme as foloweth.
CloseMary's letter to the Privy Council and the Council's response first appear in the 1570 edition (see textual variant 2); clearly Foxe had access to some Privy Council records between the publication of the 1563 and 1570 editions. As will become clear, he also had further access between the publication of the 1576 and 1583 editions.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaLady Maryes letter sent vnto the Counsayle, wherin shee clameth the Crowne. MY Lordes, we greete you well, and haue receiued sure aduertisement that our dearest brother the king our late soueraigne Lord, is departed to Gods mercye: whiche newes howe they be wofull to our hart, he onely knoweth to whose wyll and pleasure we must and doo humbly submit vs and our wylles. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wyt, now after his maiesties departure and death, concernyng the Crowne and gouernaunce of this Realme of England, with the title of Fraunce, and all thinges thereto belonging, what hath bene prouided by acte of Parlament and the Testament and last wyll of our dearest father, besides other circumstaunces aduauncing our right, you know the Realme, and the whole world knoweth, the Rolles & Recordes appeare by the authoritie of the king our said father, and the king our said brother, and the subiectes of this Realme, so that we veryly trust that there is no good true subiect, that is, can, or would pretende to be ignorant therof, and of our part we haue of our selues caused, & as God shall ayde and strength vs, shal cause our right and title in this behalfe to be published and proclaymed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth straunge, that the dying of our sayd brother vpon Thursday at night last past, we hytherto had no knowledge from you therof, yet we consider your wisedomes and prudence to be such, that hauyng eftsoones amongst you debated, pondered, and wel wayed this present case with our estate, with your owne estate, the common wealth, and al our honours, we shal and may conceiue great hope and trust with much assurance in your loyaltie and seruice, and therefore for the tyme interprete and take thinges not to the worst, and that ye yet wil like Noble men worke the best. Neuerthelesse we are not ignoraunt of your consultations, to vndoo the prouisions made for our preferment, nor of the great bandes and prouisions forcible, wherewith ye be assembled and prepared, by whom, and to what ende, God and you knowe, and nature can but feare some euyll. But be it that some conside-
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