MarginaliaAn. 1555. February.art an heretike. That shal be knowen, quoth Rogers, at the day of iudgement. Well, quoth M. Woodrofe, I will neuer pray for thee. But I will pray for you, quoth M. Rogers, and so was brought the same day, which was monday the 4. of February, by the shirifes toward Smithfield, saying the Psalme Miserere,
I.e., Psalm 51. This psalm was traditionally recited by the condemned at theirexecutions.
Simon Renard, the imperial ambassador, reported in a letter written the day after Rogers's execution, that some of the spectators wept, while others prayed to God on the martyr's behalf (C.S.P. Spanish, XIII, p. 138).
Foxe is concerned to emphasize the stoicism of one of his martyrs. On the polemical importance of the stoicism of the martyrs, see Collinson (1983) and Freeman (1997). Foxe will tell a very similar anecdote about the martyr Rawlins White.
Much of the material for the life and martyrdom of Saunders had already appeared in the Rerum, including the narratives of Saunders' early life and background (although the details of Saunders' apprenticeship to Sir William Chester were only added in the second edition of the Acts and Monuments), Saunders' preaching in Northampton, his journey to London, his encounter with Sir John Mordaunt, Saunders' arrest, interrogations by Bishop Bonner and then Bishop Gardiner and his imprisonment in Newgate (Rerum, pp. 404-08). Unusually, most of the letters which Foxe mingles in with his narrative of the martyr's life also first appeared in the Rerum. The account of Saunders' visit from his wife in Newgate and his impassioned defence of the validity of his marriage and the legitimacy of his son are also in the Rerum (pp. 412-13). Saunders' examination, the anecdotes of his journey to Coventry to be executed and the details of his execution are also related in the Rerum, pp. 413-18). Most, if not all, of this material was probably gathered by Edmund Grindal's team and was almost certainly drawn, in whole or in part, from Laurence's widow Joan and the martyr's friend Lucy Harrington, who were both in living in Frankfurt (Garrett, Marian Exiles, pp. 144-7).
[Back to Top]In 1563, Foxe added details to the Rerum narrative: his description of themartyrs's diligent study and prayer, the names of Sanders' benefices, his friends and family trying to protect him in Mary's reign and his refusal to flee the country. He also added more letters of Saunders and the comparison of Saunders to Henry Pendleton. All of this indicates that on his return to England, Foxe did some further research on Saunders.
[Back to Top]In the 1570 edition, Foxe added the details of Saunders' apprenticeship to Sir William Chester (this story, which was very favourable to Chester, was probably supplied to Foxe by Chester) and the letters of Edward Saunders to his brother. Some verses and letters of Saunders were also deleted from the account of Saunders in this edition. The account of Saunders remained unaltered in the third and fourth editions of the Acts and Monuments.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaFebruary. 8.
Some of the glosses in this section lead the reader towards an appreciation of the other-worldliness and strength of faith inherent in the act of martyrdom ('M. Saunders in prison, till he was in prison'; 'Saunders godly bequest to his wife'; 'Experience of the comfortes of Christ in prison'). The effect of this can be paradoxical, with prison being a genuine comfort to the spiritually minded. This pious, Christ-like turning the world upside-down finds its parodic twin in the characterisation of the papists and popery. Thus Bonner, in line with previous conduct, is so perverse as to see preaching the truth as treason ('Preaching of Gods word, made treason with Bishop Boner'). A nearby gloss reinforces Foxe's characterisation of him as intemperate by describing him as seeking Saunders' blood. Elsewhere, and again building on an established typology, a gloss ('He meaneth peraduenture when the Sanctus is singing for then the Organs pipe merely and that may giue some Comfort') bemoans the sensuality of the mass.
[Back to Top]The attacks on Gardiner focus on the contrast between his conduct under Mary and under her father ('A priuy nippe to Winchester'; 'Winchesters booke de vera obedientia'). This is behaviour implicitly contrasted with Saunders' constancy, which the marginal glosses emphasise ('The constant minde of a christian souldiour'; 'M, Saunders would haue no suite made for him'). There are examples of the cruelty and use of force by the catholic authorities ('Note how Winchester confuteth M. Saunders'; 'M. Saunders wife not suffered to speake with him in prison'). Saunders' constancy and his indifference to worldly pain or pleasure are ascribed to his humility and thus to his reliance on divine grace ('A notable example of the Lord comforting his seruauntes in their troubles'; 'Strength to stād in Christ, commeth not of our selues, but it is the gift of God'). The gloss 'M. Saunders put in the common gayle in Couentrye' gives a hint of a Christ-like or apostolic bearing on Saunders' part. There are also references emphasising conscience as a source of resolution and (religious) resistance ('Argument. Conscience ought neuer to stand vpon things vncertaine. Tyme and authoritye be thinges of themselues alwayes vncertayne: Ergo, conscience ought neuer to stand vpon tyme and authoritye'; 'To liue as the Scripture leadeth vs, is not to liue as we list').
[Back to Top]The shift from the previous book towards narrative and the reproduction of epistles led Foxe to increase the number of glosses referring to scriptural passages; many of these are erroneous either in terms of their variation across editions or their accuracy as scriptural references. Errors of positioning of notes also occur in this section, with the 1570 edition as usual being the most accurate.
[Back to Top]It happened that his master, being a good man, and hearing hys Prentise thus in his secret prayers inwardely to mourne by hym selfe, called vnto hym, to know what the cause was of that his solitarines & lamentation: who then perceyuing his minde nothing to fantasie that kind of lyfe, (for so Saunders declared vnto him) and perceauinge also hys wholl purpose to be bent to the study of hys booke and spirituall contemplation, lyke a good mā directed his letters incontinently vnto his frendes, and geuing him his Indenture, so set hym free.MarginaliaM. Saunders appointed to the trade of Marchandise, could not away with that kinde of life.And thus Laurence Saūders being rauyshed with the loue of learning, and especially wyth the reading of Gods word, taryed not long tyme in the traffick of marchandise, but shortly returned to Cambridge agayne to hys study.MarginaliaM. Saunders from marchandise returneth to his study. Where he began to couple to the knowledge of the Latin, the study of the Greek tongue, wherein he profited in small tyme very much: Therwith also he ioyned the studye of the Hebrue. Then gaue hee him selfe wholly to the study of the holy scripture, to furnishe hym selfe to the office of a Preacher.
[Back to Top]In studye he was dilygent and painfull, in godly life he declared the fruits of a wel exercised conscience, he prayed oftē and with great feruour, and in his prayers as also at other times, hee had hys part of spirituall exercyses, which hys harty sighing to God declared. In which whē any specyall assaulte dyd come, by prayer he felte present reliefe: then wos his company marueylous comfortable. For
[Back to Top]as hys exercises were speciall teachynges, so in the ende they proued singular consolations: wherein he became so experte, that wythin short space hee was able to comfort other which were in any affliction, by the consolation wherwyth the Lord dyd comfort hym. Thus continued he in the Vniuersitie, tyll he proceeded Maister of Arte, and a long a space after.
[Back to Top]In the begynnyng of K. Edwardes raygne, when Gods true Religion was begon to be restored, after licence obteyned, he begā to preach, and was so well liked of them which then had authoritie, that MarginaliaM. Saunders reader in the Colledge of Fothringa.they appointed hym to read a Diuinitie lecture in the Colledge at Fothringa. Where by doctrine and life he edified the godly, drew many ignoraunt to Gods true knowledge, and stopped the mouth of the aduersaryes. He maryed about that tyme, & in the maryed estate led a lyfe vnblameable before all men. The colledge of Fothringa beyng dissolued, MarginaliaSaunders after reader at Lichfield.he was placed to be reader in the Minster at Lichefield: where he so behaued hymselfe in teachyng & lyuing, that the very aduersaries dyd geue hym a full report as well of learnyng as of much godlynes. After a certaine space he departed frō Lichfield to a benefice in Leicester shyre, called Churchlangtō, wherupō he keeping residence, taught diligently, and kept a liberall house. From thence he was orderly called to take a benefice in the Citie of London, named Alhallowes in Breadstreete. Then mynded he to geue ouer his Cure in the countrey: and therfore after he had taken possession of hys benefice in Londō- he departed from London into the countrey, clearely to discharge hymselfe thereof. And euen at that tyme beganne the broyle about the clayme that Queene Mary made to the crowne, by reason wherof he coulde not accomplish hys purpose.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaThe constāt purpose of M. Saunders.In thys trouble, and euen among the begynners of it (such I meane as were for the Queene) he preached at Northampton, nothing medlyng with the estate,
Foxe is concerned to show here that Saunders, while defiant, was neither disloyal or seditious.
Edward Saunders, Laurence's elder brother, was the chief justice of the Queen's Bench in Mary's reign and had openly supported Mary against Jane Grey.
Thus passed he to and fro in preachyng, vntil that proclamation was put forth, of which mention is made in the begynning. At which tyme he was at hys benefice in the countrey, where he (notwithstandyng the proclamation aforesayd) taught diligently Gods truth, confirmyng þe people therin, and armyng them agaynst false doctrine, vntyll he was not onely commaunded to cease, but also with force resisted, so that he coulde not proceede there in preachynge. Some of hys frendes perceiuing such fearefull manassings, counseled hym to flie out of the realme, MarginaliaM. Saunders refuseth to flye the Realme.which he refused to do. But seeing he was with violence kept from doing good in that place, he returned towardes London, to vysite the flocke, of which he had there the charge.
[Back to Top]On Saterday, the 14. of October, as he was comming nigh to the Citie of London, Syr Iohn Mordant a Coūsellour to Queene Mary, did ouertake hym and asked him whether he went. I haue (sayd Saunders) a cure in London, and now I go to instruct my people accordyng to my dutie. If you wyll follow my counsel, quoth M. Mordant, let them alone, and come not at them. To thys Saunders aunswered: how shall I then be discharged before God, if any be sicke & desire consolation, if any want good counsel & neede instruction, or if any should slippe into errour and receaue false doctrine? Did not you, quoth Mordant preach such a day, and named the day, in Breadstreete in Londō? Yes verely, sayd Saūders, that same is my cure. MarginaliaM. Mordāt disswadeth Laurence Saunders from preaching.I heard you my selfe, quoth M. Mordant: and will you preach now there agayne? If it please you sayd Saunders, to morow you may heare me agayne in that same place, where I will confirme by the authoritie of Gods word, all that I sayde then, and whatsoeuer before that tyme I taught them.
[Back to Top]I would counsell you (quoth the other) not to preach. If you can, and wyll forbyd me by lawfull authoritie, then must I obey, sayd Saunders. Nay, quoth he, I wyll not forbyd you, but I doe geue you counsel. And thus entred they both the Citie, and departed ech from either. M. Mordant of an vncharitable mind, wēt to geue warning to Boner byshop of Londō, that Saunders would preach in his Cure the next day. Saūders resorted to his lodging, wyth
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