MarginaliaAnno. 1555. October.enim post hac credo charissime frater, meis literis iā amplius aliquando turbaberis. Oxonij.
The preceding two paragraphs read, in translation: 'Some of our great magistrates, Chancellor Winchester [Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester and lord chancellor], the earl of Arundel, and Lord Paget, are joined overseas with Cardinal Pole on an embassy to negotiate (as they say) peace between the emperor, our king [Phillip, the consort of Queen Mary], and the king of France. After the return of the magistrates and the confinement of the queen, which we now expect anyday, indeed we have expected it for some time - and which may God for the glory of his name undertake to make fortunate for her - we then expect nothing more than the triumphal crowns of our confession immediately from our ancient enemy [i.e., Ridley, Cranmer and Latimer expect to be martyred].
[Back to Top]I commend myself in all humility and with all my heart to the prayers of all of you; in you primarily, Grindal, a most dear and cherished brother in Christ, and of those most dear brothers to me, the Lord's beloved, Cheke, Cox, Turner, Lever, Sampson, Chambers and all our brothers and countrymen who abide among you and love our Lord Jesus Christ in truth. I also commend to you the most reverend fathers, and my fellow captives in the Lord, Thomas Cranmer, now truly most worthy of the name of chief pastor and archbishop, and that veteran, the true apostle of the English people and of Christ, Hugh Latimer. Forgive me, brother, for the verbosity of this letter, for after this, I believe, most dear brother, that you will never again be troubled with letters of mine'.
[Back to Top]From the reference to the burning of John Rogers this letter must have been written fairly soon after 4 February 1555. This letter was first printed in Letters of the Martyrs, pp. 72-73 and was reprinted in the 1570 edition, and all subsequent editions, of the Acts and Monuments. The orginal letter survives in Foxe's papers (ECL 260, fo. 278r-v); copies of the letter are Harley 416, fo. 16v and ECL 260, fos. 269r-270r and 283r.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaA letter of B. Ridley to one Austen Bernher.BRother Augustine, I blesse God with all my hart in his manifold mercifull giftes, geuen vnto our deare brethren in Christe, especially to our brother Rogers, whom it pleased to set forth first, no doubt but of his gracious goodnes and fatherly fauour towards him. And likewise blessed be God in the rest, as Hoper, Saunders, and Taylour,MarginaliaCommemoration of saintes. whom it hath pleased the Lord likewise to set in the forefront of the battaill against his aduersaries, and hath endued them all (so far as I can heare) to stande in the cōfession of his truth, and to be content in his cause, and for his Gospels sake to lose their life.
Ridley is refering to the examinations of John Hooper, Laurence Saunders and Rowland Taylor by Stephen Gardiner at the end of January 1555 and their refusal to recant.
I believe
Obviously this passage was written after the execution of Rogers on 4 February 1555.
Rogers was a prebend of St Paul's in London. Grindal had been precentor of the cathedral. Ridley is anticipating the martyrdom of John Bradford (another prebend) and of himself (the bishop) to make up a trinity of martyrs from St Paul's.
The meaning of this passage is made clear from the original letter. Short of paper, Ridley wrote this letter to Bernher on the back of a letter which Bernher had sent to him.
The account of Latimer's life appeared in the 1563 edition. (There is nothing on Latimer's life in the Rerum, which is a powerful indication of the pressure on Foxe to sacrifice material in order to complete the work on time). Foxe's sources for the 1563 account are largely Latimer's own sermons and letters, Latimer's own descriptions of his early life (it is worth remembering that Foxe knew Latimer personally) and Augustine Bernher's dedication to the collection of Latimer's sermons which he edited. Bernher also probably contributed his own memories of Latimer and this may well have also been true of Mary Glover, Latimer's niece.
[Back to Top]Even by the low standards of the 1563 edition, the account of Latimer was poorly organised, and one major difference between it and the 1570 account of Latimer was the rearranging of the materials in it into a logical and chronological order. Another major difference was the pruning back of documents: Latimer's 'card' sermons, the citation sent to him by the bishop of Salisbury, Latimer's letter to Archbishop Warham, the ban on his preaching and the articles imputed to him were all dropped from this edition. But if documents were deleted, information from individual informants was added on Latimer's disputes with various friars in Cambridge.
[Back to Top]The 1570 version of Latimer's life was printed without change in 1576. In the 1583 edition, with paper in abundant supply, all of the documentation removed from the account of Latimer's life in the 1570 edition was restored, although the second 'card' sermon was relegated to an appendix.
MarginaliaThe story of M. Hugh Latymer Martyr.NOw consequently after the life of B. Ridley, with other his letters, which partly we haue expressed, partly we haue differred to our later appendix, followeth likewise the life and doinges of the worthy champion, and old practised souldiour of Christe M. Hugh Latimer, of whose actes and longe trauailes euen from his first yeres and tender age to begin here to entreate: first he was the sonne of one Hugh Latimer, of Thirkesson in the County of Leycester, a housebandman of righte good estimation: with whom also he was brought vp vntill he was of the age of fower yeres or thereabout. At whiche tyme his parentes (hauyng hym as then left for theyr onely sonne, with sixe other daughters) seyng his ready, prompte, and sharpe wit, purposed to traine him vp in eruditiō and knowledge of good literature:MarginaliaM. Latymer first set to schole.wherein he so profited in his youth, at the cōmon scholes of his owne countrey, that at the age of. xiiij. yeres, he was sent to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge.MarginaliaM. Latymer sent to Cambridge. Where, after some continuaunce of exercises in other thynges, he gaue him self to the studie of suche schole Diuinitie, as the ignoraunce of that age did suffer.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaM. Latymer a long tyme was a zelous & superstitious Papist.Zelous he was then in the Popishe Religion, and therewith so scrupulous (as hym selfe confesseth) that beyng a Priest, and vsyng to saie Masse, he was so seruile an obseruer of the Romishe Decrees, that he had thought he had neuer sufficiētly mingled his Massyng wine with water: and moreouer, that he should neuer be damned, if he were once a professed Frier,
Foxe is basing this claim on a passage in Latimer's first letter to Sir Edward Baynton.
Notwithstandyng such was the goodnes & mercifull purpose of God, that when he sawe his good time, by the whiche waie he thought to haue vtterly defaced
the professors of the Gospell and true church of Christ he was at lengthe hym selfe by a member of the same, pretily caught in the blessed net of Gods woorde. For MarginaliaLatymer conuerted by M. Bilneb.M. Thomas Bilney (whose story is before described) beyng at that time a trier out of Sathans subtilties, & a secret ouerthrower of Antichristes kyngdome, seyng M. Latymer to haue a zeale in his waies (although wtout knowledge) was striken with a brotherly pitie towards him, & bethought by what meanes he might best win this zelous ignoraunt brother to the true knowledge of Christ. Wherefore, after a short time, he came to M. Latimers study, & desired him to heare him make his confession. Which thing he willyngly graunted: by the hearyng whereof he was (through the good spirite of God) so touched, that hereupon he forsooke his former studiyng of the schole Doctors, & other suche fopperies and became a earnest student of true Diuinitie, as he hym self, aswell in his conferēce with M. Ridley, as also in his first Sermon made vpon the Pater noster,
A somewhat different account of Latimer's conversion, which Foxe did not use, was sent to Foxe by Ralph Morrice, Cranmer's private secretary and a friend of Latimer's (BL, Harley MS 422, fos. 84r-87r).
After this his winnyng to Christ, he was not satisfied wth his own cōuersiō only, MarginaliaM. Latymer a Papist, turned to a zelous Christian.but like a true disciple of the blessed Samaritane, pitied the misery of others, and therfore became both a publicke preacher, & also a priuate instructer to the rest of his brethren within the vniuersitie,MarginaliaM. Latimer becommeth a preacher in Cambridge. by the space of 3. yeares,
'Two years' in 1563, corrected to three years in 1570.
MarginaliaEnemies stirred in Cambridge against M. Latymer.Amongest these there was an Augustine Frier, who tooke occasiō vpon certain sermons that M. Latimer made about Christenmas 1529. aswell in the church of S. Edward, as also in S. Augustines, within the vniuersitie in Cambridge, to inueye against him, for that M. Latimer in the said sermons (alludyng to the common vsage of the season) gaue the people certain cardes out of the. 5. 6. 7. chapiters of S. Mathew, whereupon they might, not onely thā, but alwaies els occupy their time. MarginaliaM. Latymers preachyng of the Cardes in Cambridge.For the chief triumph in the cardes he limited the hart as the principal thing that thei should serue God with all: wherby he quite ouerthrew all hypocriticall and externall ceremonies, not tendyng to þe necessarie furtheraunce of Gods holy worde & Sacramentes. For the better atteinyng hereof, he wished the scriptures to bee in English,
This sermon has not survived.
The hādling of this matter was so apt for the time, and so pleasantly applied of him, þt not only it declared a singular towardnes of witt in the preacher, but also wrought in the hearers much fruite, to the ouerthrow of Popish superstition, & setting vp of perfect religion.
This was vppon the Sondaie before Christenmas daie, on whiche day commyng to the churche, and causyng the bell to be tolled to a Sermon, he entered into the Pulpit, takyng for his text the wordes of the Gospell aforsaid red in the church that daie: Tu quis es. &c. In deliueryng the whiche cardes (as is abouesaied) he made the harte to be triumph, exhortyng and inuityng all men thereby to serue the lorde with inward hart and true affection, and not with outward Ceremonies: addyng moreouer to the praise of that triūph, that though it were neuer so small, yet it would make vp the beste cote carde beside in the bunche, yea though it were the kyng of Clubbes. &c. MarginaliaThe difference betwene true & false religion.meanyng thereby, how the Lorde woulde bee worshipped and serued in simplicitie of the harte and veritie, wherin consisteth true Christian religion, and not in the outward deedes of the letter onely, or in the glisteryng shewe of mannes traditions, or pardons, pilgrimages, ceremonies, vowes, deuotions, voluntarie workes, & workes of supererogatiō, foūdations, oblations, the Popes supremacie. &c. so that all these either were nedeles, where the other is present, or els were of smal estimatiō, in comparison of the other.
[Back to Top]The tenour and effecte of these his Sermons, so far as they could come to our handes, for so muche as they are collected and expressed in our firste edition, page, 1298.
This first 'card' sermon was printed in 1563, dropped from the 1570 and 1576 editions, but was restored in the 1583 edition. The two 'card' sermons printed by Foxe were part of a longer series of sermons 'on the card' which Latimer preached at Cambridge in Advent and Christmas 1529. (Their name derived from Latimer's using the traditional card games played during these holidays as props and themes to his sermons). Interestingly, these two sermons did not appear in any of the compendious editions of Latimer's sermons which were printed by John Day. Just as the Acts and Monuments was intertwined with, and yet distinct from the Letters of the Martyrs, so Foxe's account of Latimer and his writings was intertwined with, but distinct from, Day's editions of Latimer's sermons.
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