1583 Edition | Book 8 | Page 1268 
Close(1500 - 1558) [C. Scott Dixon, M. Greengrass, www.leedstrinity.ac.uk/histcourse/reformat/biograph.htm]
Duke of Burgundy; king of Spain (1516 - 56)
Holy Roman Emperor (1520 - 56); abdicated the Spanish throne in favour of son Phillip II of Spain and the imperial throne in favour of brother Ferdinand
Charles V had promised to marry Princess Mary, daughter of Henry VIII, but bowed to objections in Spain that the marriage of her parents had been irregular. He married Isabella of Portugal instead. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.
Henry VIII, encouraged by Cardinal Wolsey, began to question the validity of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. He sought the advice of universities and learned men, but needed the assent of the pope and the emperor to a divorce. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.
After the Act of Supremacy, Henry VIII attempted to improve relations with other monarchs by sending ambassadors. Sir Thomas Wyatt was sent to Emperor Charles V. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.
The emperor and other princes requested Henry VIII to attend the council to be held at Mantua or to send delegates. Henry again refused, sending a protestation. 1570, pp. 1293-94; 1576, pp. 1106-08; 1583, pp. 1132-33.
Francois I of France and Emperor Charles V retained Robert Granceter, a condemned traitor, and refused to hand him over to Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1087.
Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.
Close(1494 - 1547)
King of France (1515 - 47)
Having engaged in wars against Charles V, allied to Henry VIII, François I was captured at the battle of Pavia by the duke of Bourbon and the viceroy of Naples and taken into Spain in 1525. 1570, p. 1122; 1576, p. 960; 1583, p. 987.
François was imprisoned for over a year, until he agreed with the emperor to focus their joint efforts against the Lutherans and Turks. François left his eldest sons, François and Henri, behind as pledges, but he was absolved of his oath by the pope. 1570, p. 1122; 1576, p. 960; 1583, p. 987.
Henry VIII ordered a religious procession in London in 1535 because the French king was ill. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.
After the Act of Supremacy, Henry VIII attempted to improve relations with other monarchs by sending ambassadors. Sir Francis Brian was sent to François I. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.
Paul III sent Cardinal Pole to the French king to stir him to war against Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1087.
François I of France and Emperor Charles V retained Robert Granceter, a condemned traitor, and refused to hand him over to Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1087.
François had allied himself with Pope Clement VII in marrying his son to Clement's niece. He also married his daughter to James V of Scotland, breaking an agreement with Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.
Cromwell was instrumental in getting Edmund Bonner's nomination to the bishopric of London. He procured letters from King Henry to François I that resulted in a licence being granted to print bibles in English at the University of Paris. 1570, p. 1362; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1191.
Although Edmund Bonner performed his ambassadorial duties well as far as Henry VIII was concerned, he displeased the king of France, who asked for him to be recalled. Henry recalled him and sent Sir John Wallop to replace him. 1570, p. 1245; 1576, p. 1066; 1583, p. 1093.
Close(1489 - 1556) [ODNB]
BA Cambridge 1511; MA 1515; archbishop of Canterbury (1533 - 56); burnt in 1556
Cranmer acknowledged the help he received from John Frith's book attacking the doctrine of Sir Thomas More. 1563, p. 500; 1570, p. 1176; 1576, p. 1006; 1583, p. 1033.
Thomas Cranmer, John Stokesley, Edward Carne, William Benet and the earl of Wiltshire were sent as ambassadors to the pope to dispute the matter of the king's marriage. 1570, p. 1280; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, p. 1121.
Cranmer's separation of the king and Queen Catherine was authorised by parliament. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.
Elizabeth Barton prophesied that if the king divorced Queen Catherine and married Anne Boleyn, he would not reign more than a month thereafter. Through the efforts of Cranmer, Cromwell and Latimer, she was condemned and executed with some of her supporters. 1570, p. 1199; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, pp. 1054-55.
[Back to Top]The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.
[Back to Top]Cranmer was godfather to Princess Elizabeth. 1563, p. 510; 1570, p. 1199; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, p. 1054.
Cranmer was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.
Cranmer attended a synod in 1537 with other bishops and learned men and with Thomas Cromwell as vicar-general. Cranmer opposed retaining the seven sacraments. He gave an oration to the bishops. 1563, p. 594; 1570, p. 1351; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1182.
On the second day of the synod, Thomas Cranmer sent his archdeacon to command Alexander Alesius to cease from disputation. 1570, p. 1353; 1576, p. 1155; 1583, p. 1184.
John Lambert attended a sermon preached by John Taylor at St Peter's in London in 1538. Lambert put ten articles to him questioning transubstantiation. Taylor conferred with Robert Barnes, who persuaded Taylor to put the matter to Archbishop Cranmer. Cranmer called Lambert into open court, where he was made to defend his cause. 1563, pp. 532-33; 1570, pp. 1280-81; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, p. 1121.
[Back to Top]Cranmer disputed with Lambert at his trial before the king. 1563, pp. 534-35; 1570, p. 1282; 1576, pp. 1096-97; 1583, p. 1122.
Thomas Cranmer alone disputed the Six Articles in parliament. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1110; 1583, p. 1136.
The king sent Thomas Cromwell and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to dine with Cranmer to reassure him after his opposition to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1111; 1583, p. 1136.
Henry asked for a summary of Cranmer's objections to the Six Articles. Cranmer asked his secretary to write up a copy of his arguments against the Six Articles to give to the king.1570, p. 1355; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1185.
Adam Damplip was brought before Thomas Cranmer, Stephen Gardiner, Richard Sampson and others and examined. The next day, warned by Cranmer that he was likely to be imprisoned and burnt, he fled to the West Country. 1563, p. 657; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1194; 1583, p. 1224.
Thomas Broke, Ralph Hare, James Cocke and James Barber were sent from Calais with their accusers to England to be examined by Cranmer, Gardiner, Sampson and other bishops. 1563, p. 661; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1195; 1583, p. 1224.
King Henry wrote to Archbishop Cranmer, ordering that idolatrous images be removed from churches. 1563, p. 625; 1570, p. 1385; 1576, p. 1181; 1583, p. 1210.
For a long period, Henry VIII denied his daughter Mary the title of princess. Thomas Cranmer urged a reconciliation. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1396.
When Claude d'Annebault, the French ambassador, went to see Henry VIII at Hampton Court, lavish entertainment was laid on for him, but he was recalled before he had received half of it. During the course of the banquet, he had private conversation with the king and Archbishop Cranmer about the reform of religion in the two countries. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.
[Back to Top]Cranmer had sent letters for Henry VIII to sign relating to reform in the church. Gardiner convinced the king that these reforms would jeopardise a league with the king of France and the emperor, so the letters were never signed. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.
The young Prince Edward wrote letters in Latin to Thomas Cranmer, his godfather. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.
Cranmer praised the learning and wisdom of Prince Edward to his tutor, Richard Coxe. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.
Richard Coxe wrote to Thomas Cranmer, praising the young Prince Edward. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.
When King Henry was on his deathbed, Anthony Denny asked him if he wished a spiritual adviser, and he asked for Thomas Cranmer. Before Cranmer could arrive, however, the king had lost the power of speech. He clasped Cranmer's hand, and shortly after died. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.
After the death of Henry VIII, the duke of Suffolk related to Thomas Cranmer how Stephen Gardiner had nearly been arrested at the time of the execution of Germaine Gardiner. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.
Cranmer had great difficulty in getting King Edward to sign Joan Bocher's death warrant. 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.
Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied, in spite of the strong urgings of Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.
Thomas Dobbe was brought before Cranmer, who committed him to the Counter, where he died. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.
Edward VI's councillors and Edward Seymour wrote to Thomas Cranmer, directing that candles no longer be carried on Candlemas, nor palms on Palm Sunday, nor should ashes be used on Ash Wednesday. Cranmer immediately wrote to all the other bishops to inform them of the new directive. 1563, pp. 685, 691; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.
[Back to Top]The council wrote further to Cranmer ordering the abolishing of images in all churches in the archdiocese. He wrote to Edmund Bonner, directing him to carry out the order in London. 1563, p. 692; 1570, p. 1490; 1576, p. 1263; 1583, p. 1300.
Cranmer, with other learned bishops and learned men, was appointed to draw up a uniform order of common prayer. 1570, p. 1491; 1576, p. 1264; 1583, p. 1301.
Stephen Gardiner wrote to Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley while imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 732-54; 1570, p. 1522; 1576, p. 1297; 1583, p. 1340.
Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Rochester, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May, dean of St Paul's, were commissioned to examine Edmund Bonner. 1563, p. 697; 1570, p. 1504; 1576, p. 1275; 1583, p. 1312.
Bonner was summoned to appear before the commissioners. He behaved haughtily, ridiculing his accusers and the commissioners, and spoke in favour of the mass. He appeared first on 10 September 1549 before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre and William May. Sir Thomas Smith was absent. 1563, pp. 698-99; 1570, pp. 1504-06; 1576, pp. 1275-77; 1583, pp. 1312-14.
[Back to Top]Bonner appeared for the second time on 13 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May and was further examined. 1563, pp. 699-704; 1570, pp. 1506-08; 1576, pp. 1277-79; 1583, pp. 1314-17.
Bonner appeared for the third time on 16 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir Thomas Smith and William May to answer the articles put to him at the previous session. John Hooper and William Latymer also appeared in order to purge themselves against the slanders of Bonner. 1563, pp. 704-709; 1570, pp. 1508-11; 1576, pp. 1279-80; 1583, pp. 1317-22.
[Back to Top]Bonner appeared before the commissioners for the fourth time on 18 September, at which session new articles were drawn up and new witnesses received. 1563, pp. 704-710; 1570, pp. 1508-12; 1576, pp. 1279-81; 1583, pp. 1317-22.
Bonner appeared for the fifth time before the commissioners on 20 September. During an interval, he instructed Gilbert Bourne, his chaplain, Robert Warnington, his commissary, and Robert Johnson, his registrar, to tell the mayor and aldermen of London to avoid reformed preachers. Bonner made his first appellation to the king. As a result of his behaviour during the proceedings, he was committed to the Marshalsea. 1563, pp. 713-717; 1570, pp. 1513-16; 1576, pp. 1282-85; 1583, pp. 1324-26.
[Back to Top]Bonner appeared for the sixth time before the commissioners on 23 September, when he presented a general recusation against all the commissioners and a second appellation to the king. A letter was read from Bonner to the mayor of London, Henry Amcottes, and aldermen. 1563, pp. 717-18; 1570, p. 1516; 1576, p. 1285; 1583, pp. 1326-27.
[Back to Top]Bonner' seventh appearance before the commissioners took place on 1 October. He presented a declaration, an appellation and a supplication to the king. The commissioners pronounced their sentence definitive. Bonner was imprisoned and deprived of his office. 1563, pp. 718-26; 1570, pp. 1516-19; 1576, pp. 1285-88; 1583, pp. 1327-30.
[Back to Top]Cranmer was a signatory to a letter from the king and privy council to Nicholas Ridley, directing him to remove and destroy all altars within the churches of his diocese and install communion tables. 1563, p. 727; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1288; 1583, p. 1331.
After Stephen Gardiner's sequestration, Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Goodrich, Henry Holbeach, Sir William Petre, Sir James Hales, Griffith Leyson, John Oliver and John Gosnold were commissioned to examine him. 1563, p. 776; 1570, p. 1535; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1358.
The Queene perceiuinge to what purpose thys talke did tend, not being vnprouided in what sort to behaue her selfe towards the king, with such aunsweres resolued hys questions as the time and oportunitie present did require, mildly, and with a reuerent countenaunce aunswering againe after thys maner.
MarginaliaThe Quenes politicke submission to the king.Your Maiestie (quoth she) doth right well know, neither I my selfe am ignoraunt, what great imperfection and weakenesse by our first creation, is allotted vnto vs women, to be ordained and appoynted as inferiour and subiect vnto man as our heade, from which head all our direction ought to proceede, and that, as God made man to his owne shape and likenesse, whereby he being indued with more speciall giftes of perfection, might rather be stirred to the contemplation of heauenly things, and to the earnest endeuour to obey his commaundements: euen so also made hee woman of man, of whome and by whome shee is to be gouerned, commanded and directed. Whose womanly weakenesse & naturall imperfection, ought to be tollerated, aided and borne wythal, so that by his wisedome such things as be lacking in her, onght to be supplied.
[Back to Top]Sithens therefore that God hath appoynted suche a naturall difference betwene man and woman, and your Maiestie beyng so excellent in giftes and ornaments of wisedom, and I a seely pore woman so much inferiour in all respects of nature vnto you: how then commeth it nowe to passe that your Maiestie in such diffuse causes of religion, will seeme to require my iudgement? Whyche when I haue vttered and sayd what I can, yet must I, and will I referre my iudgement in this and all other cases to your Maiesties wisedome, as my onely anker, supreme heade and gouerner heere in earth next vnder God, to leane vnto.
[Back to Top]Not so by Saint Marye, quoth the King. You are become a Doctor, Kate, to instruct vs (as we take it) and not to be instructed, or directed by vs.
If your Maiestie take it so (quoth the Queene) then hath your Maiestie very much mistaken me, who haue euer bene of the opinion, to thinke it very vnseemely & preposterous for the woman to take vpon her the office of an instructer or teacher to her Lord and husband, but rather to learne of her husband, & to be taught by him. And where I haue with your Maiesties leaue heeretofore bene bolde to holde talke with your Maiestie, wherein sometimes in opinions there hath seemed some difference, I haue not done it so much to maintaine opinion, as I did it rather to minister talke, not onely to the ende that your Maiestie mighte with lesse griefe passe ouer this painefull time of your infirmitie, beinge intentiue to oure talke, and hoping that your Maiestie shoulde reape some ease thereby: but also that I hearing your Maiesties learned discourse, might receiue to my selfe some profite thereof. Wherein I assure your Maiestie I haue not missed anye parte of my desire in that behalfe, alwayes referring my selfe in all suche matters vnto your Maiestie, as by ordinaunce of nature it is conuenient for me to doe.
[Back to Top]And is it euen so sweete hart, quoth the king? And tended your arguments to no worse end? MarginaliaPerfecte agreement betweene the K. and the Quene.Then perfect frendes we are now again, as euer at any time heretofore: and as hee sate in hys chaire embracing her in his armes & kissing her, hee added thys saying: That it did him more good at that time to heare those wordes of her owne mouthe, then if hee had heard present newes of an hundreth thousand pounds in money fallen vnto him. And wyth greate signes and tokens of marucilous ioy and liking, with promises and assurances, neuer againe in any sort more to mistake her, entering into other very pleasaunt discourses wyth the Queene & the Lords, and Gentlemen standing by, in the end (being very farre on the night) he gaue her leaue to departe. Whome in her absence to the standers by, he gaue as singulare and as affectuous commendations, as before time to the Bish. and the chancelor (who then were neither of them present) he seemed to mislike of her.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaThe K. abhorred the malicious workings of the bloudy Papistes.Now then (God be thanked) the Kings mynde was cleane altered, and he detested in his heart (as afterwards he plainly shewed) this Tragicall practise of those cruell Caiphases: who nothing vnderstanding of the kings wel reformed minde, & good disposition towarde the Queene, were busily occupied about thinking & prouiding for their next dayes labour, which was the day determined to haue caryed the Queene to the Tower.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaThis purpose being altered that the Ladyes should be first taken, it was then appoynted that they with the Queene should altogether be apprehended in maner as is here declared.The day & almost the houre appoynted being come, the K. being disposed in the after noone to take the aire (waited vppon wyth two Gentlemen onely of hys bed chamber) went into the garden, whether the Queene also came, being sent for by the Kinge hymselfe, the three Ladies aboue named, alone waiting vppon her. Wyth whom the king at that time disposed himself to be as pleasant as euer he was in all his life before: When sodainly in the middest of theyr myrth, the houre determined being come, in commeth theLord chauncellour into the garden with a 40. of the kings garde at his heeles, with purpose in deede to haue taken the Queene together with the 3. Ladies aforesaide, whom they had before purposed to apprehende alone, euen then vnto the tower. Whome then the kyng sternly beholding, breaking of his myrth with the Queene, stepping a little a side, called the Chauncellour vnto hym. Who vppon hys knees spake certaine wordes vnto the king, but what they were (for that they were softly spoken, and the King a good pretie distance from the Queene) it is not well known, but it is most certaine that the kings replying vnto hym,MarginaliaThe K reuyleth Wrisley L. Chauncellour. was knaue, for his aunswer: yea arrant knaue, beast, and foole, and with that the king commāded MarginaliaThe L Chauncellour commaunded to auaunt out of the K. sight.hym presently to auant out of presence. Which words although they were vttered somewhat lowe, yet were they so vehemently whyspered out by the king, that the Queene did easely with her Ladies aforesayd ouer heare them: which had bene not a litle to her comforte, if shee had knowen at that time the whole cause of hys comming so perfectly, as after shee knewe it. Thus departed the L. Chācellor out of the kings presence as he came, with all his traine, the whole mould of all hys deuise being vtterly broken. MarginaliaWrisleis deuises & Wynchesters platforme lye in the duste.
[Back to Top]The king after his departure, immediatly returned to the Quene. Whom she perceiuing to be very much chafed, (albeit comming towardes her, he inforced himselfe to put on a mery countenance) with as swete words as she could vtter, endeuoured to quallify the king his displeasure with request vnto his maiestie in the behalfe of the L. Chauncelor, whom he seemed to be offended with all: MarginaliaThe Q. maketh excuse for her enemye.saying for his excuse, that albeit she knew not what iust cause his maiesty had at that time to be offended with him, yet shee thoughte that ignoraunce not will, was the cause of his error, and so besought hys maiestie (if the cause were not very hainous) at her humble suite to take it.
[Back to Top]Ah poore soule (quoth he) thou little knowest how euill he deserueth this grace at thys hands. Of my worde (sweete heart) he hath bene towardes thee an arrant knaue, and so let him go. To this the Queene in charitable maner replying in few wordes, ended that talke: hauing also by MarginaliaThe Queene by Gods meruelous blessing deliuered of al her aduersitye.Gods onely blessing happely for that time and euer, escaped the dangerous snares of her bloudy and cruell enemies for the Gospels sake.
[Back to Top]The pestiferous purpose of this Bishop, & of suche like bloudy aduersaries practising thus against the Queene, & proceeding of gods gospel (as ye haue heard) putteth me in remembrāce of such an other like story of his wicked working in like manner, a litle before: but much more pernitious & pestilent to the publick church of Iesus Christ, then this was daungerous to the priuate estate of the Queene. Whyche storie likewise I thought heere as in conuenient place, to be adioyned & notified, to be knowen to all posteritie, according as I haue it faithfully recorded and storied by hym, which heard it of the Archbishop Cranmers own mouth, declared in order and forme as foloweth.
[Back to Top]A discourse touching a certaine pollicie vsed by Steuen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, in staying king Henrie the 8. from redressing of certaine abuses of ceremonies in the church, being Ambassadour beyonde the seas
CloseBetween 1535 and 1539, Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, was frequently on the continent, involved in embassies to both France and Germany. No league between England, France and the Empire was ever concluded, however, during this period. Rather, the events described here (to the extent that they took place) are contextualised by an entente agreed between King Francis I of France and Charles V, the Holy Roman Emperor, in 1538. This was the same year that Henry VIII sent out a set of Injunctions to his clergy, which Eamon Duffy characterises as outlawing 'in one fell swoop' pilgrimages as well as 'virtually the entire external manifestation of the cult of the saints, and also what was in many regions the single most common feature of mortuary piety, by forbidding the burning of candles before any image and commanding the quenching of the lights which…burned in their dozens during divine service in every church and chapel in the land' (Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 1400-1580 [New Haven, 1992], p. 407).
[Back to Top]If one takes the Injunctions of 1538 (and Duffy's interpretation of them) as a measure, then it is not difficult to interpret them as reflecting a reformist 'mood' in 1538 that will be reversed over the course of the next year. The years between 1538 and the end of Henry VIII's reign have traditionally been considered a period of conservative 'backlash' when it comes to religious policy in England, resulting in such measures as the Act of the Six Articles (1539), the King's Book and the Act for the Advancement of Religion (both in 1543), the execution of Thomas Cromwell (1540), and the burning of Anne Askew and others. Foxe is wedded to a view of the 1540s in line with this interpretation. Indeed, he was its historiographical originator. In this interpretation, the story of Gardiner in France - successfully blocking further reform - is part and parcel. Nevertheless, Foxe's telling of this story here lends itself to an interpretation of events of the 1540s at least partly in line with recent scholarship arguing for analysis of Henrician domestic policy, certainly between 1538 and 1540, against a backdrop of foreign policy. According to Foxe, Henry aborted such reform in order to facilitate the creation of a league comprising England, the French and the German emperor. While this was never concluded, it is evident that the league successfully concluded between France and the Empire had an important effect on Henrician policy, both religious and foreign. The threat to England and its apostate king (excommunicated in December 1538) posed by an alliance between these two Roman Catholic powers was immense. And while the period between 1538 and 1540 saw negotiations between England and German members of the Schmalkaldic League intensify (and fail), and while Henry's desire for non-Romanist allies in Germany during this period also resulted in his ill-fated marriage to Anne of Cleves, it is also the case that Henry was concerned to find room to maneuver in his relationships with Francis I and Charles V.
[Back to Top]For interpretations measuring the influence of foreign policy considerations on the framing of domestic religious policy see Rory McEntegert, Henry VIII, the League of Schmalkalden and the English Reformation (London, 2002); Alec Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII: Evangelicals in the Early English Reformation (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 29-34; Richard Rex, Henry VIII and the English Reformation (Basingstoke, 1993), pp. 154-55. G.W. Bernard makes a compelling argument for the importance of Henry's concern to find leverage with both France and the Empire, and the extent to which that motivated the execution of Cromwell (G.W. Bernard, , The King's Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church [New Haven, 2005], pp. 556-69).
[Back to Top]Also the communication of king Henrye the 8 had wyth the ambassador of France at Hampton Court concerning the reformation of religion, as wel in France, as in Englande. Anno 1546. Mens August.
IT chanced in the time of K. Henrie the 8. when his highnes did lastly (not many yeres before his death) conclude a league betwene the Emperor, the French king and himselfe, that the B. of Winchester Steuē Gardiner by name, MarginaliaSteuē Gardiner Ambassadonr. was sent in Ambassage beyonde the seas, for that purpose. In whose absence the Archbishop of Cāterbury Thomas Cranmer, attending vpon the kings Court, sought occasion somwhat to further the reformation of the corrupt religion, not yet fully restored vnto a perfection. For lyke as the sayd Archb. was alwaies diligent and forward to prefer and aduaunce the sincere doctrine of the Gospel: so was that other byshopMarginaliaWinchester a great hinderer of the course of the Gospell. a contrary instrument, cōtinually spurning against the same, in whatsoeuer coast of the worlde he remained. For euen now he being beyond þe seas in þe temporal affaires of þe realme forgate not, but foūd the meanes as a most valiant champion of the B. of Rome, to stop and hinder, aswel the good diligence of the sayd Archbishop, as the godly disposition of the kings Maiestie in that behalfe, whych thus chaunced.
[Back to Top]Whilest the sayde B. of Winchester was nowe remaining beyond the seas, about the affaires aforsaide, þe kings maiesty and the saide Archbishop, hauing conference together for reformatiō of some superstitious enormities in the Church: amongst other things, the king determined forth-