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Anne Seymour

(c. 1510 - 1587) [ODNB]

née Stanhope; wife of Sir Edward Seymour (1535 - 52); countess of Hertfordshire 1537; duchess of Somerset 1547; imprisoned in the Tower 1551, freed 1553; married Francis Newdegate 1558; protestant patron

After her condemnation, Anne Askew was asked about the duchess of Suffolk, the countess of Sussex, the countess of Hertfordshire, Lady Denny and Lady Fitzwilliam. 1563, p. 676; 1570, p. 1418; 1576, p. 1209; 1583, p. 1238.

Edmund Bonner, in his third examination by the king's commissioners, claimed to have frequently kept company with the Lord Protector and his wife and to have preached before them. 1570, p. 1509; 1576, p. 1279; 1583, p. 1318.

Anne Seymour quarrelled with her sister-in-law, Katherine Parr, now married to Thomas Seymour, encouraging a rift between their husbands. 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

 
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Edward Seymour

(c. 1500 - 1552) [ODNB]

Soldier; viscount Beauchamp of Hache 1536; earl of Hertford 1537

Lord high admiral 1542; lord great chamberlain 1543

Duke of Somerset 1547; lord protector 1547; lord treasurer 1547; earl marshal 1547; beheaded

Because Edward VI was only young when he came to the throne, his uncle Edward Seymour was assigned as overseer and protector of both the king and the commonwealth. He abolished the Six Articles and brought into the country learned reformers. He replaced some of the unlearned clergy with preachers. 1563, p. 684; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1259; 1583, p. 1296.

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Edward Seymour stood against the bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London and others at the consultation at Windsor in the first year of Edward VI's reign. 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

Seymour granted a pardon to Thomas Dobbe, but Dobbe died in prison before it could reach him. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

He was a signatory to a letter from the king and privy council to Nicholas Ridley, directing him to remove and destroy all altars within the churches of his diocese and install communion tables. 1563, p. 727; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1288; 1583, p. 1331.

Seymour wrote a reply to a letter of Stephen Gardiner objecting to the destruction of images in Portsmouth. 1563, p. 730-31; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1298; 1583, p. 1331.

Seymour was in regular correspondence with Stephen Gardiner while he was imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 730-54; 1570, pp. 1519-25; 1576, pp. 1298-1300; 1583, pp. 1331-50.

Edward Seymour, John Russell, John Dudley and Sir William Petre visited Stephen Gardiner in the Tower at various times to attempt to get him to accept the king's reforms. 1563, p. 766; 1570, p. 1532; 1576, p. 1306; 1583, p. 1356.

After the victorious return of John Dudley, earl of Warwick, from Norfolk, he fell into dispute with Edward Seymour. He and other dissatisfied nobles met together to plan to remove the king from the Lord Protector. John Russell replied, hoping for a reconciliation between the Lord Protector and his adversaries. 1570, pp. 1545-46; 1576, pp. 1317-18; 1583, pp. 1367-68.

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Edward Seymour wrote to John Russell, describing the conspiracy against him and asking him to bring forces to Windsor. 1570, pp. 1545-46; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

The king sent a letter to the lord mayor of London, Henry Amcottes; the mayor-elect, Sir Rowland Hill; the aldermen and common council, directing that 1000 troops be mustered to defend the Lord Protector. The lords opposing the Lord Protector sent a letter on the same day directing the mayor and council not to obey any instructions coming from him. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1319; 1583, p. 1369.

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The lords opposed to the Lord Protector sent Sir Philip Hoby to put their case to the king. As a result, the Lord Protector was imprisoned in Windsor Castle and then taken to the Tower. Shortly after, he was released. 1570, pp. 1548-49; 1576, p. 1320; 1583, p. 1370.

Seymour was imprisoned again in 1551 and charged with treason and felony. He was acquitted of treason, but condemned for felony, intending the death of John Dudley, duke of Northumberland, and others. On 22 January 1552 he was taken to Tower Hill and beheaded. 1570, pp. 1549-50; 1576, p. 1321; 1583, p. 1371.

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Foxe compares the story of Edward Seymour with that of Humphrey of Lancaster, dealing with his enemy Bishop Beaufort. 1563, pp. 882-84; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

Edward Seymour is given as an example of one wrongly accused and judged. 1570, p. 1360; 1576, p. 1161; 1583, p. 1189.

 
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Edward VI

(1537 - 1553) [ODNB]

King of England and Ireland (1547 - 53); Henry VIII's only son

The young Prince Edward wrote letters in Latin to Thomas Cranmer, his godfather. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.

Edward VI agreed with Sir John Cheke that clemency should be shown towards heretics and was opposed to the burning of Joan Bocher. Cranmer had great difficulty in getting Edward to sign her death warrant. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Cranmer praised the learning and wisdom of Edward VI to his tutor, Richard Coxe. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Jerome Cardan gave written testimony of Edward VI's knowledge of the liberal sciences. 1563, p. 885; 1570, p. 1485; 1576, p. 1259; 1583, p. 1296.

Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied, in spite of the strong urgings of Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Edward issued a set of injunctions to further the reformation of the church in the realm. He called a parliament to repeal earlier statutes relating to religion, including the Six Articles. 1563, pp. 685-91; 1570, pp. 1486-90; 1576, pp. 1260-63; 1583, pp. 1297-1301.

Having knowledge of rebellions stirring in the realm and of slackness in religious reform in the city of London, Edward called Edmund Bonner to come before his council. 1570, p. 1495; 1576, p. 1267; 1583, p. 1304.

Edward replied to the articles raised by the rebels of Devonshire. 1570, pp. 1497-99; 1576, pp. 1268-70; 1583, pp. 1305-07.

The king and privy council sent out letters to bishops and clergy in late 1549 and 1550, directing that books of Latin service be withdrawn, that altars be removed and communion tables installed. 1563, pp. 726-28; 1570, pp. 1519-21; 1576, pp. 1288-90; 1583, pp. 1330-31.

Edward wrote letters to his sister, Lady Mary, urging her to obey the new laws concerning religion, and she replied. 1576, pp. 1290-96; 1583, pp. 1333-39.

He sent his own councillors to Mary after her servants, Rochester, Englefield and Waldegrave, had failed to prevent masses being said in her household. 1576, pp. 1296-97; 1583, pp. 1338-39.

King Edward said a private prayer on his deathbed which was overheard by his physician, George Owen. In his will, Edward excluded his sister Mary from the succession because of her religious views. 1563, p. 900; 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1395.

 
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Henry Amcottes

Fishmonger; lord mayor of London (1548 - 49)

Bonner appeared for the fifth time before the commissioners on 20 September. During an interval, he instructed Gilbert Bourne, his chaplain, Robert Warnington, his commissary, and Robert Johnson, his registrar, to tell the mayor and aldermen of London to avoid reformed preachers. 1563, pp. 716-17; 1570, p. 1514; 1576, p. 1283; 1583, p. 1325.

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Bonner appeared for the sixth time before the commissioners on 23 September, when he presented a general recusation against all the commissioners and a second appellation to the king. A letter was read from Bonner to the mayor and aldermen of the city of London, complaining of the preaching of John Hooper. 1563, p. 718; 1570, p. 1516; 1576, p. 1285; 1583, p. 1327.

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In the dispute between the earl of Warwick and Edward Seymour, the supporters of Warwick met at, among other places, the lord mayor's house in London. 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

The lord mayor, the sheriffs and the council of London agreed to support the opponents of Edward Seymour and published a proclamation against him. 1570, pp. 1546-47; 1576, p. 1318; 1583, p. 1368.

The king sent a letter to the lord mayor of London, Henry Amcottes; the mayor-elect, Sir Rowland Hill; the aldermen and common council, directing that 1000 troops be mustered to defend the Lord Protector. The lords opposing the Lord Protector sent a letter on the same day directing the mayor and council not to obey any instructions coming from him. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1319; 1583, p. 1369.

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The lord mayor and common council of London, having received contrary instructions and demands for military assistance from the king and Lord Protector on the one hand, and from the lords opposed to the Lord Protector on the other, were uncertain how to proceed. The recorder argued in favour of the lords. George Stadlowe argued for the king. 1570, p. 1548; 1576, pp. 1319-20; 1583, pp. 1369-70.

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Henry Seymour

(c. 1503 - 1578) [ODNB sub Thomas Seymour; Bindoff]

Brother of Jane, Edward, duke of Somerset and Lord Protector, and Thomas; MP Hampshire (1547); sheriff Hampshire (1568 - 69)

Henry Seymour was one of the king's three uncles. 1563, p. 880; 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

 
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John Dudley

(1504 - 1553) [ODNB]

Viscount Lisle (1542 - 47); earl of Warwick (1547 - 51), lord great chamberlain

Duke of Northumberland 1551; lord president of the privy council (1550 - 52); led support for Lady Jane Grey; executed

Dudley, Lord Lisle, was one of the questioners at the second examination of Anne Askew in 1546. 1563, p. 683; 1570, p. 1417; 1576, p. 1208; 1583, p. 1237.

He was a signatory to a letter from the council to Nicholas Ridley, directing him to remove and destroy all altars within the churches of his diocese and install communion tables. 1563, p. 727; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1288; 1583, p. 1331.

Dudley was a signatory to a letter of commission against Stephen Gardiner. 1563, p. 777.

Following the taking of the city of Norwich by the Norfolk rebels, John Dudley, earl of Warwick, was sent with an army. The rebels were defeated and their leaders executed. 1570, p. 1500; 1576, p. 1271; 1583, p. 1308.

After Dudley's return from Norfolk, he fell into dispute with Edward Seymour. He and other dissatisfied nobles met together to plan to remove the king from the Lord Protector. 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

Dudley was one of the signatories to the proclamation against Edward Seymour calling for his removal. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1318; 1583, p. 1368.

He was one of the signatories to the letter to the lord mayor and common council of London from the lords opposing Edward Seymour. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1319; 1583, p. 1369.

Seymour was imprisoned for the second time in 1551 and charged with treason and felony. He was acquitted of treason, but condemned for felony, intending the death of John Dudley, duke of Northumberland, and others. 1570, p. 1549; 1576, p. 1321; 1583, p. 1371.

After Stephen Gardiner had been in the Tower for nearly a year, Sir William Paulet and Sir William Petre, the earl of Warwick and Sir William Herbert delivered the king's letters to him. 1563, pp. 761-62; 1570, pp. 1529-30; 1576, p. 1304; 1583, p. 1354.

Edward Seymour, John Russell, John Dudley and Sir William Petre visited Stephen Gardiner in the Tower at various times to attempt to get him to accept the king's reforms. 1563, pp. 766; 1570, p. 1532; 1576, p. 1306; 1583, p. 1356.

Dudley was a deponent in the case of Stephen Gardiner. 1563, pp. 822-24

 
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John Russell

(c. 1485 - 1555) [ODNB]

Courtier, diplomat. MP Buckinghamshire 1529; JP Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire, Huntingdonsshire, Northamptonshire 1533; MP Devon, Cornwall, Dorset, Somerset 1539

Henry VIII's controller of the royal household 1536; lord privy seal (1542 - 55); lord high admiral 1540

Baron Russell 1539; earl of Bedford (1550 - 55)

John Russell had been saved from danger while abroad by Thomas Cromwell and later commended him to the king. 1570, p. 1348; 1576, p. 1150; 1583, p. 1179.

John Russell was a signatory to a letter to the king's commissioners relating Bishop Bonner's recantation of his protestation. 1570, p. 1502; 1576, p. 1273; 1583, p. 1310.

John Russell was one of the signatories of the letter of the council addressed to Thomas Cranmer ordering the abolishing of images in all churches in the archdiocese. 1563, p. 692; 1570, p. 1490; 1576, p. 1263; 1583, p. 1300.

He was a signatory to a letter from the council to the bishops, instructing them to administer communion in two kinds. 1570, p. 1491; 1576, p. 1264; 1583, p. 1301.

He was a signatory to a letter of commission against Stephen Gardiner. 1563, p. 777.

Sir John was appointed lieutenant-general of the king's troops in the west at the time of the Western Rising. Although outnumbered, his forces defeated the rebels and captured their leaders. 1570, pp. 1499-1500; 1576, pp. 1271-72; 1583, pp. 1307-08.

George Blage had been condemned to be burnt for heresy. John Russell made suit to the king on Blage's behalf and he was pardoned. 1570, p. 1427; 1576, p. 1216; 1583, p. 1246.

John Russell was present at Anne Askew's burning. 1570, p. 1419; 1576, p. 1211; 1583, p. 1240.

He was a signatory to a letter from the king and privy council to Nicholas Ridley, directing him to remove and destroy all altars within the churches of his diocese and install communion tables. 1563, p. 727; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1288; 1583, p. 1331.

Edward Seymour, John Russell, John Dudley and Sir William Petre visited Stephen Gardiner in the Tower at various times to attempt to get him to accept the king's reforms. 1563, pp. 766; 1570, p. 1532; 1576, p. 1306; 1583, p. 1356.

Edward Seymour wrote to John Russell, describing the conspiracy against him and asking him to bring forces to Windsor. John Russell replied, hoping for a reconciliation between the Lord Protector and his adversaries. 1570, pp. 1545-46; 1576, pp. 1317-18; 1583, pp. 1367-68.

Russell was a deponent in the case of Stephen Gardiner. 1563, pp. 814, 824-25.

John Russell was a witness in 1551 to the sentence against Stephen Gardiner and his appellation. 1563, p. 867.

 
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Katherine Parr

(1512 - 1548) [ODNB]

Queen of England, 6th consort of Henry VIII (1543 - 47)

Married (1) Edward Borough (1529 - 33); married (2) John Neville (1534 - 43); married (4) Thomas Seymour (1547 - 48)

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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Stephen Gardiner and other enemies of Katherine Parr planned to accuse and arrest Lady Herbert, Lady Lane and Lady Tyrwhit and search their quarters for books and other evidence to use against the queen. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

Henry gave a warrant for the gathering of articles against Katherine. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

Henry told one of his physicians of the charges against Katherine. The list of charges fell from the clothing of the councillor carrying it and was found by a supporter of the queen, who carried it to her. She fell seriously ill when she saw it, and the king sent the same physician to treat her; he warned her of what the king had told him. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

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The king then visited Katherine, who explained that she was ill because she feared she had displeased him. She submitted humbly to him and was forgiven. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

When Thomas Wriothesley with 40 of the king's guard came to arrest the queen and her ladies-in-waiting, he found them walking happily in the garden with the king. The king sent him away. 1570, p. 1425; 1576, p. 1214; 1583, p. 1244.

Katherine Parr quarrelled with her sister-in-law, Anne Seymour, duchess of Somerset, encouraging a rift between their husbands. 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

 
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Sir John York

(d. 1569) [ODNB]

Administrator; sheriff of London and Middlesex (1549 - 50); undertreasurer of the Tower mint (1551 - 53); MP Boroughbridge 1559

Supporter of the earl of Warwick, who lodged at his house

In the dispute between the earl of Warwick and Edward Seymour, the supporters of Warwick met at, among other places, John York's house in London. 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

 
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Thomas Seymour

(c. 1509 - 49) [ODNB]

Lord admiral (1547 - 49); MP Wiltshire 1545; privy councillor (1547 - 49); JP Berkshire, Devon, Essex, Gloucestershire, Hampshire, Herefordshire, Hertfordshire, Kent, Middlesex, Shropshire, Sussex, Wiltshire, Worcestershire 1547

Brother of Jane and Edward, duke of Somerset. Executed for treason

Thomas Seymour was a signatory to a letter to the king's commissioners relating Bishop Bonner's recantation of his protestation. 1570, p. 1502; 1576, p. 1273; 1583, p. 1310.

Thomas Seymour was one of the signatories of the letter of the council addressed to Thomas Cranmer ordering the abolishing of images in all churches in the archdiocese. 1563, p. 692; 1570, p. 1490; 1576, p. 1263; 1583, p. 1300.

Thomas Seymour worked in harmony with his brother Edward, but his marriage to Katherine Parr produced ill feeling between them. He was accused of planning to secure the crown for himself and was beheaded on Tower Hill. 1563, p. 880; 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

Thomas Seymour is given as an example of one wrongly accused and judged. 1570, p. 1360; 1576, p. 1161; 1583, p. 1189.

1391 [1367]

King Ed. 5. The tragicall history of the Duke of Somerset. Letters of the Councell.

fence to violate the ordinaunces of mans lawe, and to contemne the Ambassadours of Kyngs and Princes, MarginaliaA lesson for the Portugales.lette the Portugalles and all other looke well vnto it, what it is so cruelly to handle the heauenly messenger of the high God.  

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Once again, Foxe is anxious to describe providential punishments befalling persecutors and here the reason why is obvious: the actions of Providence 'prove' that Gardiner was indeed a martyr of God.

MarginaliaThe iust hand of God vpon persecuters.Neither was this their cruelty altogether vnreuenged by the mighty hand of God, when as not onely the very same night, amongst diuers of the kings ships which were in thorn;e next hauen ready to saile, one was burned, being set on fire by a sparcleMarginaliaIt is reported that that sparcle lighted amōgest gunpouder. of Gardiners fire driuen thether wt the winde, but also þe kings sonne which then was maried, died within halfe a yere, and the next yere after the King himselfe also died, and so both within one yeare after the tormenting of this blessed Martyr.  
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In the Rerum (p. 208) and 1563 (p. 878), Foxe stated that João III died three or four months after Gardiner's execution. In later editions, Foxe modified that statement to the one year given here. In actual fact, the Infante died in January 1554 and João III in June 1557.

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MarginaliaThe blind and miserable cruelty of the Portugals agaynst a poore Englishe man.Thus the body of the sayd Gardiner being consumed, yet the rage & fury of the common people so ceased not, but they were as cruell against him being deade, as they were when he was aliue, and with their tongues tormēted this Martyr, when they could doe no more with their handes: yea for very madnes they would scarse tarry vntil he were burned, but euery man as they could catch any pece of him halfe burned, threwe it into the sea.

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MarginaliaA Popeholy fast for pacefying the wrath of theyr God of the Altar.Thys Sacrifice thus ended, the Cleargie, to pacifie Gods wrath which they feared, for the violating of theyr aultar, appoynted a solemne fast of certaine dayes, for penaunce to purge that facte  

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Again Foxe is surprisingly correct. The archbishop of Lisbon had, in the aftermath of Gardiner's sacrilege, ordered that fasting and a penitential procession be held in every church in the diocese and also decreed forty days indulgence to all who confessed their sins at this time (I. da Rosa Pereira, 'O Desacato na Capela Real em 1552 e o processo do calvinista inglês peranto Ordinário de Lisboa', Annais da Academia Portuguesa da Historia 29 (1984), pp. 619-20).

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, which facte rather shoulde haue taught them to purge them selues, and to put awaye theyr filthy Idolatrie, and much rather they shoulde haue fasted & repented for that their extreeme cruelty they had shewed vnto the liuely member of Christ.

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Albeit this death of William Gardiner seemeth to haue profited very many of them litle or nothing: yet for all that there are some (as I haue hearde diuers reporte) oute of whose mindes the remembraunce of this constant Martir can neuer be pulled, and is so freshe yet amongest them, as if it were nowe lately done: and finally, albeit it be a good while since hee was put to death, yet the memorie of hys death, as frutefull seede, hath take such roote in some, that euen vnto this present day, he is a liuely and diligent preaching vnto them, against superstition and Idolatry vsed in their Churches. Ex testimonio N. Fildi, Pendigrace, & aliorum, qui rei gestæ intersuerunt.

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The tragicall hystorie of the worthy L. Edward Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, with the whole cause of his troubles and handling.

Marginalia

Anno 1552.

The story of the L. Protector Duke of Somerset.

AFter so many troublous matters  
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:Edward Seymour

Foxe's first narrative of Somerset's downfall was in Rerum, pp.210-14. This contained the account of the end of Thomas Seymour and the enigmatic record of Somerset's downfall along with the detailed account of his execution, which were all reprinted in 1563. The Rerum account also contained praise of Somerset's virtues which were elaborated on in subsequent editions. But it concluded with passages that would never be reprinted: a scathing assessment of the duke of Northumberland's career and downfall. Foxe not only blamed Northumberland for Somerset's execution, but he also intimated that Northumberland had poisoned Edward VI . These passages were undoubtedly deleted because of the swift rise in power and favour of Northumberland's sons Ambrose and Robert Dudley in the early years of Elizabeth's reign.

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Little was added to the 1563 narrative except for an extended comparison of the duke of Somerset with Humphrey duke of Gloucester, the uncle of Henry VI. Both men were regents for under-age monarchs and both were named Lord Protector. Both men were, at least in Foxe's view, upright men undone by the scheming machinations of their clerical opponents. In the 1570 edition, Foxe added a number of documents. Some of these came from a letter book of John Russell, the first earl of Bedford. A proclamation may have been obtained from the printer Richard Grafton. Other sources are harder to identify. Someone supplied Foxe with copies of two letters to the Lord Mayor and Common Council of London, one from Edward VI, the other from members of the Privy Council. This source also supplied Foxe with an account of deliberations in the Common Council in October 1549. And Foxe also obtained one of the many copies of the articles charged against Somerset in 1549.Foxe's account of Somerset helped lay the foundation for the longstanding historiographical tradition of Somerset as the 'good Duke', a man devoted to the reformation of Church and State. So great was Foxe's admiration of Somerset that he had to add a disclaimer to the 1570 edition, denying that he had intended to compare Somerset with Christ. But if Foxe had a hero, most unusually, this account did not have a villain. Even Foxe could not blame Stephen Gardiner for an execution performed by Edward VI's government. Foxe was not about to blame the godly Edward VI for Somerset's death. And, as noted above, Foxe was prevented by the power of the Dudley brothers from blaming their father, the duke of Northumberland, for Somerset's death. As a result, Foxe's contain focuses on Somerset's good death on the scaffold, but says little about how he came to be there.

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Thomas S. Freeman

in this historie aforepassed, comming nowe to the lamentable and tragicall narration of the L. Edward duke of Somerset, the kings vncle, and Protector of his person & of his realme, I could not wel enter into the story of him, without some premonition first to all noble personages, of what honor or calling soeuer within this realme, by way of history briefly to admonish them, no man to plant any trust or assurance vpon the brickle pillers of worldly prosperity,MarginaliaWorldly prosperity not to be trusted vnto. howe high soeuer it seemeth, consideringe that there is no state so high, but it hath his ruine, wisedome so circumspecte, but it maye bee circumuented, no vertue so perfecte, but it may be enuyed, neither any mans trade so simple, but it maye be beguiled. And therefore seeing the condition of mortall things is so, that no man can alwaies stand in this so ruinous a world: þe surest way is euery man to chuse his standing so, that his fall may be þe easier. But because my purpose is (as I haue said in the stories before) to abridge and make short, I will here stay, referring to the secrete cōsideration of that which remaineth further by me in this matter to be vttered:  
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This is an interesting (and rare) admission from Foxe that he knows more than he is saying. As has been previously noted, the standing of the duke of Northumberland (apart from other circumstances) would have induced Foxe to caution. In addition, however, Foxe had the reputation of William Cecil, who left Somerset's 'sinking ship' to become Northumberland's secretary, to consider, besides that of Edward VI, whom he extolled as a model of mercy and piety.

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and so falling into the storie of the Lorde Protectoure Duke of Somerset, we will (the Lorde willing) declare in order the original and whole occasion of his trouble and decay, euen from the beginning.

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King Edwarde, after that both his father and mother were dead, had three vncles leaft him by his mothers side, Edwarde, Thomas, and Henry Semer, of the which two first, one was made Protectour of the Realme, and the other high admirall of the same. MarginaliaConcorde maketh brethren strong.These two brethren, so long as they were knit & ioyned together in amitie and cōcorde, preserued both themselues, the king their nephew, and the whole common wealth from the violence and feare of all danger. But the subtil old serpent  

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I.e., Satan. See Genesis 3.

alwaies enuying mans felicitie, through slanderous tongues sought to sowe matter, first of discord betwene them, then of suspition, and last of all extreme hatred: in so much that the Protectour suffered his brother being accused (whether truely or falsely the Lorde knoweth) to be condemned, and to loose hys heade. Wherby it came to passe (whether by þe correction of Gods iudgement vpon him,  
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This suggestion that Somerset's death was a providential punishment for the execution of his brother, Thomas Seymour, was added in the 1570 edition (p.1545).

or whether that he after the death of his brother, and the king being yet but yong and tender of age, was the lesse able to shift for himselfe) that not long after he was ouermatched and ouerthrowen of his enemies,and so cast into the Tower, and at last lost hys head also, to the great lamentation of many good men, as in the sequele of this hystorie foloweth to be declared.

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For the better introduction of which hystorie, firste to begin with the foresaide brother of the Lorde Protectoure, namely Sir Thomas Semer high Admirall of England,MarginaliaSyr Thomas Semer Lord admirall. and the kings Vncle, here is to vnderstande that he hadde maried Queene Katherine late wife to kinge Henrye the eight, of whome ye heard before, pag. 1342. Now it happened (vppon what occasion I knowe not) that there fell a displeasureMarginaliaDispleasure betweene the Queene & the Duches of Somerset. betwixt the sayde Queene and the Duchesse of Somerset, and therupon also in the behalf of their wiues, displeasure and grudge began betwene the brethrē. MarginaliaDiscorde betweene the L. Protectour and the L. Admirall his brother.Which albeit through perswasion of frendes it was for a time appeased betweene them: yet in shorte space after (perchaunce not without þe priuie setting forward of some whych were backefrendes to the Gospell) it brake out againe, both to the trouble of the Realme, and especially to the cōfusion of them both, as after it is prooued.  

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Foxe blamed the falling out between the Seymour brothers as being due to ill-feeling between their wives. It is disingenuous to the point of mendacity. Thomas Seymour had already defied the King and the Privy Council by marrying Henry VIII's widow. He had been involved in a sexual scandal with Princess Elizabeth and he had been plotting an (admittedly ill-conceived) coup. But it is easy to see why Foxe preferred not to air this 'dirty laundry' in public.

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First to the Lorde Admiralles charge it was laide, the hee purposed to destroy the young king, and translate the Crowne vnto hymselfe, and for the same being attainted and condemned, MarginaliaThe L. Admirall beheaded at tower hyll.did suffer at Tower hill the 20. of Marche. An. 1549. As manye there were which reported that the Dutches of Somersette had wrought his death: so manye moe there were, who misdoubting the long standing of the Lord Protectour in hys state and dignity, thought and affirmed no les, but that the fall of the one brother, woulde be the ruine of the other: MarginaliaEn quo discordia fratres perducie miseros.the experiment whereof as it hath often ben proued, so in these also eftsoones it ensued.

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It was not long after the beheading of the Lorde Admirall, but insurrections began to kindle the same yeare in diuers quarters of the realme, as is aboue storied. By the occasion wherof the lord Russel, lord priuy Seale was sent to the West parts, and the lord Dudley Earle of WarwikeMarginaliaIohn Dudley Earle of Warwicke afterward Duke of Northumberland. was sent wt an armie into Norfolke: where bothe he hymselfe & a great number of Gentlemen that were with hym, meeting with the rebels were in great daunger: notwithstanding in the ende the ouerthrowe was geuen to the rebels, which was aboute the beginning of Septemb. 1549. After this victorie atchieued, in the next moneth folowing, whiche was October, howe the matter fell oute betweene the Lorde Protectour and certaine other Lordes, I knowe not, but at the retourne of the Earle of Warwike aforesaid, MarginaliaDiscorde betweene the Earle of Warwicke & the Lord Protectour.greate workinge and consultation there was amonge the Lordes, assembling them selues in the house of M. Yorke, and at Bainardes Castle, and in the Lorde Maiors house at London, against the Lorde Protectoure remaining then with the King at Hampton Court. Of the which businesse and trouble, thus the Lorde Protectoure wryteth in hys letters to the Lorde Russell in the West countrey, as followeth.  

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By 1570, Foxe had in his possession a letter book which had belonged to John Russell, the first earl of Bedford. (This was almost certainly given to Foxe by Francis Russell, the second earl, a zealous Protestant with close ties to some of Foxe's closest friends). The papers in the letter book survive among the Petyt MSS in the Inner Temple Library (Petyt MS 538/46, fos. 431r-470r) and cover the period June to October 1549. During this time Russell was campaigning in the southwest against the Prayer Book rebels and then summoned back home (with his soldiers) to support Somerset against the other nobles. (In the event, Russell sided with Northumberland - then only the earl of Warwick - against Somerset, a fact which Foxe discreetly does not mention). In fact, Foxe's use of Russell's letters is highly selective. He not only prints only the ones dealing with Somerset's fall, but he edits them in such a way as to place both Somerset and Russell in the best possible light.

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A letter of the L. Protectour, to the L. Russel, Lord priuie Seale, concerning troubles working against him.

MarginaliaA letter of the L. Protectour to the L. priuy Seale.AFter our right  

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This is an accurate reprinting of Inner Temple Library, Petyt MS 538/46, fo. 467r-v except that Foxe omits a postscript in which Somerset denied rumours that he was committed to the Tower and that the Mass was to be restored.

harty commendations to your good Lordship, heere hath of late risen such a conspiracie against the kinges Maiestie and vs, as neuer hath bene seene, the which they can not maintaine, but with such vaine letters and false tailes surmised, as was neuer meant nor entended on vs. They pretend and say, that we haue solde Bulloigne to the French, and that we do withhold wages from the souldiours, and other such tales and letters they doe spreade abroade (of the which, if any one thing were true, we would not wish to liue) the matter now being brought to a marueilous extremitie, such as we wold neuer haue thought it could haue come vnto, especially of those men towardes the kings maiestie and vs, of whom we haue deserued no such thing, but rather much fauour and loue. But the case being as it is, this to require and pray you to hastē you hither, to the defence of the kings maiestie, in such force and power as you may, to shew the parte of a true Genleman, and of a very frende: the which thing we truste God shall rewarde and the kinges Maiestie in time to come, and we shall neuer be vnmindefull of it too. We are sure you shal haue other letters from them, but as ye tender your duety to the kings Maiestie, we require you to make no stay, but immediately repair with such force as yee haue, to his highnesse Castle of Windsore, and cause the rest of such force as yee may make to followe you. And so we bid you right heartily farewel. From Hampton Court, the sixt of October.

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Your Lordships assured louing frend,
Edward Somerset.

An answere to the L. Protectors letter.

TO this letter of the Lorde Protectoure sent the sixte of Octob. the L. Russel returning answere againe vppon

the