1583 Edition | Book 10 | Page 1492 
Close(d. 1554)
Foxe reports that one Bret was one of a group of gentlemen sent to Kent for execution on 27 February 1554 (1570, p. 1638; 1576, p 1397; 1583, p. 1468).
Alexander Brett was the captain of the London Whitecoats (the city militia). Sent against Wyatt, he instead persuaded his men to join the rebels. (J. G. Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of Queen Jane, and of ... Queen Mary, Camden Society, Original series 48 (London, 1850), pp. 38-39 and 61-62).
[NB: This is the same Alexander Brett who was described by Anne Askew as a friend and who stood surety for her].
CloseBrother of William Knyvet
Foxe states that two gentlemen named 'Knevet' were sent to Kent for execution on 27 February 1554 (1570, p. 1638; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1468).
Anthony Knyvet was a Wyatt rebel and a signatory of Wyatt's proclamation (CSP Dom. Mary I, pp. 48 and 49).
William Knyvet was Anthony's brother and another Wyatt rebel (CSP Dom. Mary I, p. 48).
Close(d. 1570)
Master of St Katherine's. Canon of Westminster (1554 - 1556). Dean of Lincoln (1554 - 1570) (Fasti).
In 1556, Dr Mallet asked Gertrude Crokhay why she would not let in St Nicholas. 1563, p. 1740, 1570, p. 2287, 1576, p. 1975, 1583, p. 2145.
Close(d. 1569)
Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford (1531). Prebend of Worcester (1541). Bishop of Bath and Wells (1554 - 1560) [DNB]
Bourne preached a sermon at Paul's Cross on 13 August 1553, praising Bonner and criticising Edward VI. This so enraged his auditors that a dagger was thrown at him. At the request of Bourne's brother, Bradford quieted the mob; Bradford and John Rogers later escorted Bourne to safety. (Rerum, pp. 464 - 65; 1563, pp. 904 - 5; 1570, p. 1570; 1576, p 1339; and 1583, p. 1497 (recte 1409)).
[Back to Top]Bourne's sermon is briefly mentioned later by Foxe (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, p. 1465).
He was created bishop of Bath and Wells (1570, p. 1636; 1576, p 1396; 1583, p. 1467).
He visited Walter Mantell repeatedly before his execution and unsuccessfully attempted to convert him to catholic teachings on confession and the Sacrament (1570, p. 1638; 1576, pp. 1397-98; 1583, p. 1468).
Together with Edmund Bonner and Henry Morgan, Gilbert Bourne condemned Thomas Tomkins on 9 February 1555. Before condemning Tomkins, Bourne exhorted him to recant. (1563, p. 1103; 1570, p. 1712; 1576, pp. 1461-62; 1583, p. 1535).
On 17 February 1555 Bonner, Bourne and others urged Thomas Higbed and Thomas Causton to recant. (1563, p. 1104; 1570, p. 1716; 1576, p. 1465; 1583, p. 1539).
On 13 August 1553 John Bradford saved Bourne from a riotous crowd when the bishop preached at Paul's Cross. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1520 , 1583, p. 1604.
During Bourne's sermon at Paul's Cross on 13 August 1553, he had a dagger thrown at him from the crowd. 1563, p. 1173. The dagger touched Bradford's sleeve. 1570, p. 1788, 1576, p. 1527, 1583, p. 1610. John Bradford took over from him in the pulpit and the crowd's wrath subsided. Bradford then protected him when they left the pulpit. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1788, 1576, p. 1527, 1583, p. 1610.
[Back to Top]On 14 February 1555 Percival Creswell, an old acqauintance of Bradford's, went to visit Bradford in prison. He offered to make suit for Bradford. He returned later, at 11 o'clock, with another man and gave Bradford a book by More, desiring him to read it. He told Bradford that the lords of York, Lincoln and Bath wished to speak with him. Then at 3 o'clock the same day, Dr Harding, the bishop of Lincoln's chaplain, went to see Bradford in prison. Harding talked of his fear for Bradford's soul, and that he himself had spoken against Peter Martir, Martin Bucer, Luther and others for their beliefs. 1563, p. 1200, 1570, pp. 1790-91, 1576, p. 1529, 1583, pp. 1612-13.
[Back to Top]Philpot's fourth examination was in John Harpsfield's house before Bonner, Bath, Worcester and Gloucester. 1563, pp. 1393-98, 1570, pp. 1965-68, 1576, pp. 1692-95, 1583, pp. 1799-1803.
John Philpot's final examination, on 16 December 1555, was before the bishops of London, Bath, Worcester and Lichfield. 1563, p. 1442, 1570, pp. 1997-98, 1576, p. 1719, 1583, p. 1827.
The certificate for Richard Lush's condemnation was discovered by Foxe in Gilbert Bourne's register (Bath and Wells). 1570, p. 2196, 1576, p. 1895, 1583, p. 2004.
Robert Farrer's examination was before the bishops of Durham and Worcester, Sir Robert Rochester, Sir Richard Southwell and Bourne. 1563, p. 1732, 1570, p. 2296, 1576, p. 1990, 1583, p. 2136.
Bourne was imprisoned in the Tower after the death of Mary. 1570, p. 2301, 1576, p. 1993, 1583, p. 2063.
Close(d. 1589)
Of Boughton Monchelsea, Kent. JP (1547-89). Brother-in-law of Thomas Wotton.
Foxe states that 'Maister Rudston' was sent into Kent for execution on 27 February 1554 but was later pardoned (1570, p. 1638; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1468; cf. CSP Dom. Mary I, no. 83).
[Although Foxe does not say so, Rudstone was one of Wyatt's rebels and was fined for his role in the rebellion; see Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies, pp. 74, 77, 81-82, 109, 125].
CloseFoxe states that a Sir John Rogers was committed to the Tower on 24 February 1554 (1570, p. 1638; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1468).
[NB: According to the Privy Council Register a Sir Edward Rogers was committed to the Tower of 24 February 1554. This name is confirmed in J. G. Nicholas, ed., The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of ... Queen Mary, Camden Society Original series 48 (London, 1850), p. 65].
Released from the Tower on 18 January 1555 (1570, p. 1655; 1576, p. 1412; 1583, p. 1482).
Close(1518? - 1565?)
MP for Somerset (1559), Derbyshire (1563). Keeper of the horse to Edward VI (1553). Gentleman attendant to princess Elizabeth; captain of the guard by 1558; chief butler, England and Wales (1559); JP Somerset (from 1559), Derbyshire (from 1561). (Hasler)
St Loe employed John Hooper briefly, c 1539. 1570, p. 1675; 1576, p. 1429; 1583, p. 1503.
One of Elizabeth's gentlemen, he was committed to Queen Mary's Master of the Horse as a prisoner (1570, p. 1638; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1468).
He was released from the Tower on 18 January 1555 (1570, p. 1655; 1576, p. 1412; 1583, p. 1482).
[Foxe does not say so, but St Loe had been arrested and eventually sent to the Tower accused of being the link between Elizabeth and Wyatt (Hasler, Commons)].
Sir William St Loe was called before the privy council at around the same time as Elizabeth was imprisoned in the Tower. 1563, p. 1712, 1570, p. 2289, 1576, p. 1982, 1583, p. 2091.
[Also referred to as 'Sir William Sentlow']
CloseOf Horton Priory, Kent
Sent to Kent to be executed on 27 February 1554 (1570, p. 1638; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1468).
The rope broke at his execution and the authorities then offered him a pardon if he would recant his protestant beliefs and receive the sacrament of the altar. Mantell refused (1563, p. 1679; 1570, p. 1638; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1468).
Mantell also wrote a 'purgation' to deny remours circulating that he had recanted during his imprisonment. Foxe printed this in 1570, pp. 1638-39; 1576, pp. 1397-98; and 1583, pp. 1468-69.
CloseOf Horton Priory, Kent
Among the Kentish gentry sent to Kent on 27 February 1554 for execution (1570, p. 1638; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1498).
[His first name is taken from Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies, p. 80].
Then M. Weston declared with a loude voyce that the Queenes Maiestie had forgiuen him. With that, diuers of the standers by said with meetely good and audible voice: such forgiuenes God send thee, meaning Doctor Weston. Then the Duke kneeled downe vpon his knees, and sayd the Psalme Miserere mei Deus, vnto the end, holding vp his hands, and looking vp to heauen. And when he had ended the Psalme, he sayd: MarginaliaThe Duke prayeth. In manus tuas Domine commendo spiritum meum, &c. Then he arose and stoode vp, and deliuered his cap and his skarffe vnto the executioner.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaThe Duke prepareth him to death.Then the sayd executioner kneeled downe and asked the Duke forgiuenes. And the Duke sayd, God forgine thee & I do, & when thou doest thine office, I pray thee do it wel, and bring me out of this world quickly, and God haue mercy to thee. Then stood there a man and sayd, my Lord, how shal I do for the money that you do owe me? And the Duke sayd, alas good felow, I pray thee trouble mee not now, but go thy way to my officers. Then he knit a kercher about his face, and kneeled downe and said, Our father which art in heauen, &c. vnto the ende. MarginaliaThe end of the Duke of Suffolke.And then he saide, Christ haue mercy vpon me, and layd downe his head on the blocke, and the executioner tooke the Axe, and at the first chop stroke off his head, and held it vp to þe people, &c.
[Back to Top]The same day a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through the Citie with their halters about theyr neckes. They were in Marginalia* The number of these were 240. which with haltars about their neckes passed through the citty to Westminster and had their pardon.* number about two hundreth.
Vpon the Saterday the 24. of February. Syr William Sentlow was committed as prisoner to the maister of the horse to be kept. This Syr William was at this time one of the Lady Elizabeths Gentlemen.
Vpon the Sonday beeing 25. of February, Syr Iohn Rogers was committed to the Tower.
CloseThis should be Sir Edward according to the Chronicle of Queen Jane, published by the Camden Society, p. 65; on which Mr. Nichols, the Editor, remarks: - "Holinshead and Foxe erroneously say Sir John Rogers. Sir Edward was named by Sir T. Wyat as having brought him a message from the Earl of Devonshire. He was also discharged on the 18th Jan. 1554-5." His committal also is put on the xxiiii. in the above Chronicle.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaPriestes diuorced.In this weeke, all suche Priestes within the Dioces of London as were married, were diuorced from theyr liuings, and commaunded to bring in their wiues within a fortnight, that they might likewise be diuorced from them. This the Byshop did of his owne power.
MarginaliaGentlemen sent into Kent to be executed. M. Rudston with certain others pardoned.Vpon the Tuesday in the same weeke, being the 27. of February, certayne Gentlemen of Kent were sente into Kent to be executed there. Their names were these, the two Mantels, two Kneuets, and Bret: with these, Maister Rudston also and certayne other were condemned, and should haue bene executed, but they had their pardon.
[Back to Top]As touching the foresayde Maister Mantell the elder,
CloseIn the 1563 edition, Foxe already had a brief account of the elder Mantel's refusal to recant his beliefs at his execution. (It was originally part of an account of the Marian persecution in Kent at the end of the work. In the 1570 edition, Foxe moved the brief account to introduce Mantel's denial of rumours that he had recanted.
[Back to Top]Moreouer, as touching the sayid M. Mantell, for that he was reported falsely to haue fallen from the constancie of his profession, to cleare himselfe thereof, and to reproue the sinister surmise of his recantation, he wrote this briefe Apologie in purgation of himselfe: the copie whereof you shall heare.
[Back to Top]
CloseMantel's denial, first printed in the 1570 edition (1570, pp. 1638-39; 1576, pp. 1397-98; 1583, pp. 1468-69) must have circulated among the protestants in Kent and was very probably sent to Foxe by one of them after the 1563 edition was published.
CloseMantell's apology is a profession of faith which is also a short narrative of interrogation, with a combination of scriptural references and pointers to argument dominating. There is focus on an admission by Bourne that the Mass was a communion, and other glosses make the point that Mantell was not stubborn but constant; the glosses do not mention his particular concern that the Queen should realise this. Glosses also show a discrepancy in dates between editions, and a reference that was dropped after the 1570 edition.
[Back to Top]Further, as concerning confession and penaunce, I declared that I could be contente to shewe vnto anye learned Minister of Christes Church, any thing that troubled my conscience, and of such a mā I would most willingly heare absolution pronounced.
MarginaliaM. Mantell opposed in the Sacrament. Touching the Sacrament of the aulter (as he termed it) I sayd that I beleeued Christ to be there present as the holy Ghost ment when these words were written: Hoc est corpus meum.
Further, when this would not satisfye, I desired him to consider that I was a condemned man to dye by a law, and that it was more meete for me to seeke a readines and preparation to death. And in so much as I dissented not from him in any article of the Christian fayth necessary to saluation, I desired him for Gods sake no more to trouble me with such matters, as whiche to beleeue is neyther saluation, nor not to beleeue, damnation. He aunswered, that if I dissented but in the least matter frō the catholick Church, my soule was in great daunger, therefore much more in thys
[Back to Top]great matter, alleadging this text: Qui offenderit in minimo, factus est reus omnium. MarginaliaMath. 5. He that offendeth in the least of these, is gilty of them all. Yea (quoth I) Verum est, ex hisce mandatis i. MarginaliaIacob. 2. It is true, of these commaundementes of God. To this I desired him to consider, that it was not my matter, neither was I able in these matters to keepe disputation, nor minded so to doe, and therefore to take these few wordes for a full aunswere, that I not onely in the matter of the sacrament, but also in all other matters of Religion, Beleeue as MarginaliaThe Church. the holy Catholicke Church of Christ (grounded vpon the Prophetes and Apostles) beleeueth. But vppon this worde Church we agreed not, for I tooke exception at the Antichristian Popish Church.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaD. Bourne and M. Mantell disagree in the Masse. Then fell we in talke of the Masse, wherein wee agreed not: for I, both for the occasion of Idolatry, and also the cleare subuersion of Christes institution, thought it nought, and he è cōtra vppon certaine considerations supposed it good. I founde fault that it was accounted a Sacrifice propiciatory for sinne, and at certaine other applications of it. But he sayde that it was not a propiciatory sacrifice for sinne (for the death of Christ onely was the Sacrifice) and this but a commemoration of the same. Then I: if ye thinke so, certaine blasphemous collectes left out, I could be content (were it not for offending my poore brethren that beleeue in Christ, which know not so muche) to heare your Masse. See (quoth he) howe vayne glory toucheth you. Not so sir (quoth I) I am not now I thanke God, in case to be vayne glorious.
[Back to Top]Then I found further faulte with it, that it was not a communion. MarginaliaBourne maketh the Masse a communion. Yes (sayth he) one Priest saying Masse here, and an other there, and the third in an other place &c. is a communion. This agreeth scarcely with these words of Paule (sayd I): Non in melius, sed in deterius conuenitis i. Marginalia1. Cor. 11. Ye come not after a better maner, but after a worse. Yea, and it is a communion to (said he) when they come together. Now draweth on the time (quoth hee) that I must depart from you to the Court, to saye Masse before the Queene, and must signifie vnto her in what case I finde you, and me thinke I finde you sore seduced. Then I sayd, I pray you report the best, MarginaliaMantell neither obstinate nor stubborne. for I trust you finde me not obstinate. What shall I say are ye content to heare Masse, and to receaue the sacrament in the Masse? I beseeche you, sayd I, signifie vnto her Maiestie, that I am neither obstinate, nor stubburne, for time and perswasion may altar me, but as yet my cōscience is such, that I can neither heare Masse, nor receaue the sacrament after that sort, Thus after certaine requestes made to the Queenes Maiestie concerning other matters, he departed.
[Back to Top]The next daye hee came to me agayne and brought with him S. Cyprians woorkes, for so I had required him to doe the day before, because I woulde see his sermon De mortalitate. He had in thys booke turned in and interlyned certaine places both concerning the Church and the sacrament which he willed me to read. I read as much as my time would serue, and at his next cōming I sayd that I was wholy of Cyprians mynd, in the matter of the Sacrament. Doctour Weston and Doctour Mallet came after to me, whome I aunswered muche after that sorte as I did the other. Doctour Weston brought in the place of Ciprian, Panis iste non effigie sed natura mutatus. &c. I asked of him how natura was taken in the Conuocation house in the disputation, vpon the place of Theodoret.
[Back to Top]To be short Doctour Bourne came often vnto me, and I alwayes sayde vnto him that I was not minded nor able to dispute in matters of Religiō, but I beleued as the holy Catholick Church of Christ, grounded vpon the Prophetes and Apostles doth beleue, and namely in the matter of the Sacrament, as the holy fathers Cyprian and Augustine do write and beleued, and this aunswere and none other they had of me in effecte, what wordes soeuer haue bene spread abroad of me that I should be conformable to all thinges &c. MarginaliaM. Mantell cōstant in his religion. The trueth is, I neither heard Masse nor receaued the sacrament during the time of my imprisonment.
[Back to Top]One time he willed me to be confessed. I sayd I am content. We kneeled downe to pray together in a windowe. I beganne without Benedicite, desiring him not to looke at my hand for any superstitious particular enumeration of my sinnes. Therewith he was called away to the Coūcell, & ego liberatus Thus muche I beare onely for my life, as God knoweth. If in this I haue offended any Christian, from the bottome of my hart I aske them forgeuenes. I trust God hath forgeuen me, who knoweth that I durst neuer deny him before men, least he shoulde deny me before his heauenly father.
[Back to Top]Thus haue I left behinde me written with myne own hand the effect of all the talke, especially of the worst that euer I graunted vnto, to the vttermost I can remember, as (God knoweth) all the whole communication I haue not written, for it were both to long and to foolish so to doe. Now I beseche the liuing God which hath receiued me to his mercy and brought to passe that I dye steadfast and vndefiled in his trueth, at vtter defiaunce and detestation of all Papisticall and Antichristian doctrine, I beseech him (I say) to keepe and defend al his chosen for his names sake, from the tyranny of the Byshop of Rome
[Back to Top]