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St Albans
S. Albones, Saint Albons
NGR: TL 155 075

Borough, having separate jurisdiction, locally in the Hundred of Cashio, Hertfordshire. 12.5 miles west-by-south from Hertford; 20 miles north-west-by-north from London. The town comprises the parish of St Alban, or the Abbey parish, and part of the parish of St Michael and St Peter, in the archdeaconry of St Albans, diocese of London

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English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Scottish information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1846)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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St Albans (Verulamium) [S. Albanes; S. Albons]

Hertfordshire

OS grid ref: TL 155 075

450 [426]

K. Edward. 3. The historie of Iohn Wickliffe.

whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned wt lyke abhominable excesse of life, or for what some other cause, it is not precisely expressed. MarginaliaEx. Chron. Monasterij Albani.Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed, to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester. The matter is thys.  

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The account of William Wykeham's clash with John of Gaunt is taken from the Chronicon Angliae, pp. 106-7 and 114. Wykeham, who was the Lord Chancellor, was one of those seeking to dislodge John of Gaunt from power in the closing years of Edward III's reign.

MarginaliaA practise of the prelates against the Duke of Lancaster. The Bishop of Winchester (as the saying went then) was reported to affirme, that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster, was not the sonne of king Edward, nor of the Quene, who being in trauel at Gaūt, had no sonne (as he sayd) but a daughter: which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde, was there smothered. Wherupon, the quene fearing the kings displeasure, caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders (borne the very same time) to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde. And so brought vp the child whom she bare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And this (said the Bishop) did the Queene tell him, lying in extremes on her death-bed vnder seale of confession: charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne, or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym, he then should manifest the same, & declare it to the worlde, that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud, but a false heire of the king. This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop,  

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The story that Wykeham told tales that John of Gaunt was not really the son of Edward IIII is from Walsingham's Chronicon Angliae (p. 107), but the claim that Wykeham slandered Gaunt because of the duke's support for Wiclif is Foxe's invention and insertion.

as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie; so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion, meaning falshoode. For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff, declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession. Whych thing was then not vnknowen, neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande. But the sequele of the story thus followed.

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Thys slanderous vilany of the Bishops report being blased abroad, and comming to the Dukes eare: he therwt being not a litle discontented (as no maruell was) sought againe by what meanes he coulde, to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop. In conclusion, the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father, in hys own hand: MarginaliaW. Wickham B. of Wint. depriued.so pursued þe byshop of Winchester, that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods, which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeux, the next inheritour of the crowne after the king, and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to þe court by 20. miles. Further as touching thys bishop, the story thus procedeth. Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster, vpon certaine causes & respects: in which parliament great request, and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester. At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy, and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of þe parliament, the Archb. therefore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof. MarginaliaByshops holde together.To whō the B. wt great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they, did derogate to the liberties of the whole church: MarginaliaLiberties of the Church a great matter.And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters, before al the members together were vnited wt the head: And (seing the matter touched them altogether in common, as well him as thē) would not otherwise do. And seemed moreouer to be moued against þe Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered him so to be cited of the duke.

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MarginaliaB of Wint. sent for to the conuocation. The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe, wherefore not to send for him (as also he dyd) because of the perils which might ensue thereof: yet being enforced & persuaded therunto, by the importunitie of the bishops, directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of Wintch. willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy. Who being glad to obey the same, was receyued wt great ioy of the other bishops. And at length by þe meanes of Alice Perris, the kings paramor, aboue mētioned, (geuing to her a good quantity of mony) the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe.

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MarginaliaI. Wickliffe sent for by the Duke of Lancaster. As the Bishops had  

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This summary of Wiclif's opinions is taken from the Chronicon Angliae, pp. 115-16.

thus sent for Wintch. the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe: who as is saide, was then the diuinity reader in Oxford, and had cōmenced in sondry actes and disputations, contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things: who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice, as hath bene afore touched. The opinions which he began in Oxford, first in his lectures, and sermōs to entreat of, and wherfore he was depriued were these. That the Pope had no more power to excommunicate any man, then hath an other. That if it be geuē by any persō to the pope to excōmunicate; yet to absolue the same is as much in the power of an other priest, as in hys. He affirmed moreouer, þt neyther þe king nor any temporall Lord could geue any perpe-tuity to the church, or to any ecclesiasticall person: for that when such ecclesiasticall do sinne, habitualiter, continuing in the same still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously, take away from them, that before hath bene bestowed vpon thē. And that he proued, to haue bene practised before here in England by Williā Rufus. MarginaliaExample of W. Rufus.Which thing (sayd he) if he did lawfully, why may not the same also be practised now? if he did it vnlawfully, then doth the church erre (sayth he) & doth vnlawfully in praying for him. But of his assertions more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter. MarginaliaEx histo. Monasterij D. Albani.The story which ascribeth to him these assertions being taken out (as I take it) of þe monastery of S. Albons addeth withall: that in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, but a dissembler (saith he) and an hiprocite. Why he surmiseth him to be an hypocrite, the cause was this:

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First, because he resorted much to the orders of the begging Friers, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their pouerty.

Secondly, because he and his felowes vsually accustomed in their preaching to go barefoote, and in simple russet gownes.

By this I suppose, may sufficiently appeare to the indifferent, the nature and condition of Wickliffe, how far it was frō the ambitiō & pride, MarginaliaThe slaunderous pene of Polydore. which in the slaundrous pen of Polydore Virgil, reporting in his 19. book of him, that because he was not preferred to higher honors and dignities of the church (conceiuing therfore indignation agaynst the clergy) became theyr mortall enemy. How true this was, he onely knoweth best, that rightly shall iudge both þe one and the other.

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In the meane time, by other circūstaunces & partes of his life, we may also partly cōiecture what is to be thoght of þe mā. But howsoeuer it was in him either true or false: yet it had bene Polidors part, MarginaliaWickliffe falsly charged with ambition by Polydore.either not so intemperatly to haue abused his pen, or at least to haue shewed some greater authority and ground of that his report. For to follow nothing els but flying fame, so rashlye to defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faythful story writer.

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But to returne from whēce we digressed. Beside these his opinions and assertions aboue recited,  

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This discussion of Wiclif's views on the Sacrament is Foxe's insertion into the text and not from Walsingham.

with other mo, which are hereafter to be brought in order: MarginaliaWickliffe beginneth to touch the matter of the sacramēt. He began also then something nearely to touch the matter of the Sacrament, prouing that in the sayd Sacrament, the accidences of bread remayned not without the subiect, or substaunce: both by the holy Scriptures, and also by the authoritye of the doctors, but specially by such as were most auciēt. As for the latter writers, that is to say such as haue written vpon that argumēt vnder the thousand yeres since Christes time, he vtterly refused: saying, that after these yeares Sathan was losed & set at liberty. And that since that time the life of man hath bene most subiect and in danger of errors: the simple and playne truth to appeare and consist in the Scriptures, wherunto all humain traditions whatsoeuer they be, must be referred; and specially such as are set forth & published now of late yeares. MarginaliaThe latter writers of the church to be misdoubted.This was the cause why he refused the latter writers of decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures & auncient doctors: most stoutly affirming out of them, that in the Sacramēt of the body which is celebrate, with bread the accidēce not to be present without the substaunce. MarginaliaThe accidēces not to be in the sacrament without the substance.That is to say, that the body of Chryst is not present without the breade, as the common sorte of Priestes in those daies did dreame, As for his arguments what they were: we wyll shortly at more oportunity by Gods grace, declare them in an other place. But herein the trueth (as the Poet speaketh very truely) had gotten Iohn Wickcliffe great displeasure and hatred, at many mens handes: and specially of the Monkes and richest sort of Priestes.

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Albeit through  

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The following account of Gaunt's protection of Wiclif, Gaunt's angry encounter with Bishop Courtney, and the Londoners rioting against the duke, is all taken from Walsingham's Chronicon Angliae, pp. 117-26. Foxe follows Walsingham's account quite closely but his interpretation of events is the inverse of Foxe's: Walsingham viewed John of Gaunt and Wiclif as vilains, Foxe regarded them as heroes.

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the fauor and supportation of the duke of Lancaster, and Lord Henry Percy, he persisted hitherto in some meane quiet against their woluish violence & eruelty: Till at last about the yeare of our Lord 1376. the Byshops still vrging and inciting their Archbishop Symon Sudberye, who before had depriued him, and afterward prohibited him also not to stirre any more in those sorts of matters: had obteined by processe and order of citation to haue him brought before them. Whereunto both place and time for him to appeare after theyr vsuall forme was to him assigned.

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The Duke hauing intelligence that Wickliffe his client should come before the Bishops, fearing that he being but one, was to weake agaynst such a multitude: calleth to him out of the orders of Friers, foure Bachelers of Diuinity, out of euery order one, to ioyne them with Wickliffe also for more surety. When the day was come assigned to

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the