Borough, having separate jurisdiction, locally in the Hundred of Cashio, Hertfordshire. 12.5 miles west-by-south from Hertford; 20 miles north-west-by-north from London. The town comprises the parish of St Alban, or the Abbey parish, and part of the parish of St Michael and St Peter, in the archdeaconry of St Albans, diocese of London
[Back to Top]English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)
Scottish information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1846)
Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)
The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.
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OS grid ref: TL 155 075
whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned wt lyke abhominable excesse of life, or for what some other cause, it is not precisely expressed. MarginaliaEx. Chron. Monasterij Albani.Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed, to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester. The matter is thys.
The account of William Wykeham's clash with John of Gaunt is taken from the Chronicon Angliae, pp. 106-7 and 114. Wykeham, who was the Lord Chancellor, was one of those seeking to dislodge John of Gaunt from power in the closing years of Edward III's reign.
MarginaliaA practise of the prelates against the Duke of Lancaster. The Bishop of Winchester (as the saying went then) was reported to affirme, that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster, was not the sonne of king Edward, nor of the Quene, who being in trauel at Gaūt, had no sonne (as he sayd) but a daughter: which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde, was there smothered. Wherupon, the quene fearing the kings displeasure, caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders (borne the very same time) to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde. And so brought vp the child whom she bare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And this (said the Bishop) did the Queene tell him, lying in extremes on her death-bed vnder seale of confession: charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne, or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym, he then should manifest the same, & declare it to the worlde, that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud, but a false heire of the king. This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop,
The story that Wykeham told tales that John of Gaunt was not really the son of Edward IIII is from Walsingham's Chronicon Angliae (p. 107), but the claim that Wykeham slandered Gaunt because of the duke's support for Wiclif is Foxe's invention and insertion.
Thys slanderous vilany of the Bishops report being blased abroad, and comming to the Dukes eare: he therwt being not a litle discontented (as no maruell was) sought againe by what meanes he coulde, to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop. In conclusion, the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father, in hys own hand: MarginaliaW. Wickham B. of Wint. depriued.so pursued þe byshop of Winchester, that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods, which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeux, the next inheritour of the crowne after the king, and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to þe court by 20. miles. Further as touching thys bishop, the story thus procedeth. Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster, vpon certaine causes & respects: in which parliament great request, and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester. At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy, and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of þe parliament, the Archb. therefore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof. MarginaliaByshops holde together.To whō the B. wt great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they, did derogate to the liberties of the whole church: MarginaliaLiberties of the Church a great matter.And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters, before al the members together were vnited wt the head: And (seing the matter touched them altogether in common, as well him as thē) would not otherwise do. And seemed moreouer to be moued against þe Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered him so to be cited of the duke.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaB of Wint. sent for to the conuocation. The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe, wherefore not to send for him (as also he dyd) because of the perils which might ensue thereof: yet being enforced & persuaded therunto, by the importunitie of the bishops, directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of Wintch. willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy. Who being glad to obey the same, was receyued wt great ioy of the other bishops. And at length by þe meanes of Alice Perris, the kings paramor, aboue mētioned, (geuing to her a good quantity of mony) the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaI. Wickliffe sent for by the Duke of Lancaster. As the Bishops had
This summary of Wiclif's opinions is taken from the Chronicon Angliae, pp. 115-16.
First, because he resorted much to the orders of the begging Friers, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their pouerty.
Secondly, because he and his felowes vsually accustomed in their preaching to go barefoote, and in simple russet gownes.
By this I suppose, may sufficiently appeare to the indifferent, the nature and condition of Wickliffe, how far it was frō the ambitiō & pride, MarginaliaThe slaunderous pene of Polydore. which in the slaundrous pen of Polydore Virgil, reporting in his 19. book of him, that because he was not preferred to higher honors and dignities of the church (conceiuing therfore indignation agaynst the clergy) became theyr mortall enemy. How true this was, he onely knoweth best, that rightly shall iudge both þe one and the other.
[Back to Top]In the meane time, by other circūstaunces & partes of his life, we may also partly cōiecture what is to be thoght of þe mā. But howsoeuer it was in him either true or false: yet it had bene Polidors part, MarginaliaWickliffe falsly charged with ambition by Polydore.either not so intemperatly to haue abused his pen, or at least to haue shewed some greater authority and ground of that his report. For to follow nothing els but flying fame, so rashlye to defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faythful story writer.
[Back to Top]But to returne from whēce we digressed. Beside these his opinions and assertions aboue recited,
This discussion of Wiclif's views on the Sacrament is Foxe's insertion into the text and not from Walsingham.
The following account of Gaunt's protection of Wiclif, Gaunt's angry encounter with Bishop Courtney, and the Londoners rioting against the duke, is all taken from Walsingham's Chronicon Angliae, pp. 117-26. Foxe follows Walsingham's account quite closely but his interpretation of events is the inverse of Foxe's: Walsingham viewed John of Gaunt and Wiclif as vilains, Foxe regarded them as heroes.
[Back to Top]The Duke hauing intelligence that Wickliffe his client should come before the Bishops, fearing that he being but one, was to weake agaynst such a multitude: calleth to him out of the orders of Friers, foure Bachelers of Diuinity, out of euery order one, to ioyne them with Wickliffe also for more surety. When the day was come assigned to
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